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ECONOMICS : A CLANDESTINE RELIGION MASQUERADING AS A SCIENCE

Since 1996 the American Monetary Institute’s mission has been to independently study monetary history, theory and reform; emphasis on independent. For whatever reason, the universities have not made substantial progress in this area. They are unable to challenge the banking establishment.

Monetary systems are concerned with the larger questions of economic justice – not just how the money system is operating but with how it could and should be operating. These are called macro-economic questions and better economists are realizing that their economics is devoid of good ideas – theories, they call them - on the really big questions.

There is also growing awareness that we are all being targeted in economic warfare – all of us – your children and parents, friends, neighbors; since we can’t escape this struggle we’d better understand, and learn how to win.

This war is real and becomes more obvious in different ways every day. Not about the latest bush family misadventure in Iraq. I am referring to the deeper struggle over the direction of mankind that is more religious in nature. Not the fights with the religious right wing now threatening America’s political process. Those are real problems, but now we focus on a more fundamental battle with the new clandestine religion known as "economics"!

A year ago, Zbignieuw Brezinski, Carter’s National Security Advisor said the attempt to establish a new world order was doomed to failure because there was no universal religious underpinning to it as existed in the old world order – the Roman empire, with its emperor worship and later its Christianity.

Brezinski was probably right that it would fail, but overlooked that this new order does have a universal religious belief system called Economics. It has its own god, the Market; its own priesthood of Economists; its temples, Banks, until recently clothed in ancient temple architecture.

An example of the religious nature of economics is its promotion of market as god. We are warned:

Don’t try to legislate on the market; it is stronger than our puny laws. It is omnipotent

Don’ try to regulate outcomes, the market with input from all of its participants always knows best. It is omniscient

Do the right things and the market will reward you, the wrong things and you’ll be punished. It is beneficent

Omnipotence, omniscience and beneficence are the attributes of a god, not a mere device for buying, selling and exchanging. - A strange deity that abhors morality and where even the most atheistic libertarians have been suckered into believing in the market’s "invisible hands" like multiple Holy Ghosts.

Economics used to be based in morality. From 1100 to 1500, philosophy, religion and economics were combined in one group – the scholastics - church philosophers including Albert the great and Thomas Aquinas who defined morality in commercial dealings. They focused on prices and on usury, which was not merely taking interest. It was always permitted to take interest in certain ways. The main condition on taking interest was that there be real enterprise risk to the lender. They were really investors.

The scholastics distinguished between earning interest and the detested usury: usury being a misuse of the money system, similar to the Islamic concept of riba.

Their mentor from across the centuries was Aristotle not the bible and they drew conclusions based on his authority and on their observations; but mostly on logic and deduction, which is appropriate for moral questions.

Aristotle, the bulwark against usury wrote:

"The most hated sort [of wealth getting], and with the greatest reason, is usury, which makes a gain out of money itself and not from the natural object of it. For money was intended to be used in exchange but not to increase at interest." (1258b, politics)
Those promoting usury found it necessary to attack Aristotle.
Francis Bacon attacked:
"Aristotle so confident and dogmatical…barren of the production of works for the benefit of the life of man." (works, p.850)
Jeremy Bentham’s 1787 "Defense of Usury" attacked:
" ‘to trace an error to its fountain head is to refute it’ …. if our ancestors have been all along under a mistake... How came the dominion of authority over our minds?"
One would naturally think he is going to cite the strong Old Testament admonitions against usury - particularly since his father was Jewish. But he ignores the biblical prohibitions completely; he is after Aristotle:
"Aristotle: that celebrated heathen…had never been able to discover in any one piece of money any organs for generating any other such piece. Emboldened by so strong a body of negative proof he ventured… an universal proposition, that all money is in nature barren...[he did not consider] though a Daric [coin] would not beget another Daric...yet for a Daric which a man borrowed he might get a ram or an ewe...and that the ewes would probably not be barren."
That’s the same erroneous justification Calvin had used but the scholastics had shown it was the "sheep" not the coins that create more sheep, and the farmland not the coins that grew crops.
Bentham foisted the present misdefinition of usury on us, as taking more interest than normal. He promoted the idea of Utilitarianism which I summarize as forget morality – utility is what counts!

Modern economists kept the scholastics’ theoretical method using deductive logic but they ditched morality in favor of Bentham’s utilitarianism. Despite the fact that the theoretical method works better on moral questions. Despite the fact that morality – or fairness - is a most useful element in any good society. Today economics primary effect is to justify forms of usury and to empower those misusing the world’s money systems.

This continues despite that over a century ago the great reformer Henry George destroyed utilitarianism in one sentence, writing:

"[economics]…a science which…seems but to justify injustice, to canonize selfishness by throwing around it the halo of utility…" (Study of political economy lecture p. 6)
George noted the purposeful corruption of economics by:
"…a powerful class whose incomes could not fail to be endangered by a recognition…that what makes them…wealthy is…only robbery, must from the beginning…have beset (economics) primary step…" (Science of Political Economy, 140; also see xxxviii; xxxix; 134, and 138)
Yet everywhere we look today, we see that our world is ruled by this powerful new clandestine religion! How did it happen?
It happened through control of the monetary system, society’s greatest dispenser of justice or injustice.
A good money system functions fairly, helping create values for life. A bad or unjust one obstructs the creation of values; gives special privileges to some and disadvantage to others, causes unfair concentrations of wealth and power; leads to social strife, warfare and thousands of unforeseen bad consequences – physical and spiritual.

Power-hungry elements from ancient times to the present have dominated through the money power. Their main weapon has been the manipulation of language and thought, where definitions serve as heavy artillery. Those benefiting from the corruption see that "professionals" are financed to promote their viewpoint with economic "theories."

By misdefining the nature of money, corrupt interests seized control of the money power, dominating society and deforming mankind in the process. (See the ‘Lost Science of Money’)

Economics has never properly defined money. They are still arguing whether money is a concrete power in a commodity like gold, or an interest bearing credit issued by private banks, or as we conclude from historical cases, money is an abstract social power - an institution of the law, having value because government receives it in taxes.

Economists use poor methodology – an over reliance on theoretical reasoning. We have two basic methods of gaining knowledge – through reason and through experience. Alexander Del Mar the great monetary historian noted:

"As a rule economists...don’t take the trouble to study the history of money; it is much easier to imagine it and to deduce the principles of this imaginary knowledge."

This failure becomes staggering when combined with their reluctance to accurately define the terms of their theories. This is not new – in 1827 Malthus wrote a book to complain about poor definitions in political economy, noting: "it is quite astonishing that political economists of reputation should be inclined to resort to any kind of illustration however clumsy and inapplicable, rather than refer to money."

But when Malthus presented 60 "better" definitions; a definition of money is conspicuously absent!

Fortunately, Aristotle outlined a science of money in 330BC still valid today:

"all goods must therefore be measured by some one thing...now this unit is in truth, demand, which holds all things together...but money has become by convention a sort of representative of demand; and this is why it has the name nomisma - because it exists not by nature, but by law or binding custom [which in Greek is nomos] and it is in our power to change it and make it useless."

Thus Aristotle identified money as an abstract legal power - a social invention. Its essence is not tangible wealth, but a power to obtain wealth – a crucial distinction. Plato agreed and advocated such fiat money for his Republic. We find these key principles used in both Greek and Roman systems.

Aristotle explained that money is not a commodity and in clear demonstration of that principle, the Spartans purposely destroyed the commodity value of their iron money, dipping it in vinegar while hot. He explained that society can legally create the money and can also make it useless. In clear demonstration Roman law based her money on copper. Isolating her from the gold and silver systems of the East and hence disenfranchising much of the East’s power and giving Rome the chance to control her own destiny. Roman law set the value of their fiat copper money, like the Aes Grave, which started at 12oz of bronze, with the legal value of 30oz of bronze. Then they weighed 6oz and 2oz and 1oz, still legally worth 30oz of bronze. This legal basis of money also enabled Rome to decry some money as useless during the Punic wars, demonetizing the copper money held by towns wavering in allegiance.

Remember in our own history, we had to erect systems completely independent from old world power – the Continental Currency and the Greenbacks. One gave us a nation, the other allowed us to keep it.

Right from Aristotle’s time, we find evidence of the battle to control the money system. His term for money, nomisma, is seldom found in early Greek texts. This concept of money was probably suppressed in an ongoing struggle between oligarchic forces – a kind of "old boy network" relying on personal relations, arrayed against public money, and the developing, more democratic, public sphere of the Greek polis, which introduced and controlled the nomisma payment mechanism. (Lost Science of Money, Ch.1)

This private versus public struggle over the monetary power is the main political divide of the struggle to this day. In Greece it was the Old Oligarchy versus the Polis. In Rome it became the Plutocracy versus Rome. After the Punic wars weakened Rome’s money system, she regressed to silver then gold, and then civil war contenders privately issued coinage. Wealth concentrated and the general population regressed into slavery. The breakdown of law and money worked the one upon the other for centuries in a downward spiral of societal decay. Even crude commodity money came close to vanishing in the dark ages in the West.

Charlemagne attempted to reinstate commodity money in the West, working slaves to the death in silver mines to produce his pennies. The system faltered with his death and the unavailability of both slaves and mines.

In England the struggle became the goldsmiths versus the monarchy representing society. Later it was the bank of England versus Society. Until then England’s money power was in the monarch’s hands. But from that point, Bank of England credits would be substituted in place of public money. This promoted confusion between credit and money, to this day. But they are different things. Credit depends on the creditor remaining solvent. Real money does not promise to pay something else. Money is on a higher order than credit.

Those behind the bank of England obscured the real source of the bank’s power – its legal privilege – its notes were accepted in payments to the government. Recovering the science of money, for the private profit of a small group produced harmful results: 120 years of continuous warfare spawned an unpayable national debt leading to excessive taxation leading to horrors like the Irish potato famine. Before then, when a nation’s money system was used for taxation, the revenue generally aided the society. But, the Bank of England concentrated society’s resources in the wrong hands, crippling the possibility for government to function properly, leading to a growing contempt of government.

Adam smith vs. Aristotle
For public consumption, Adam Smith helped erect a mythology of money obscuring the science of money. The "Father of Economics" himself promoted confusion by attacking the legal concept of money in his definition:

"By the money price of goods it is to be observed, I understand always, the quantity of pure gold or silver for which they are sold, without any regard to denomination of the coin."

Smith’s primitive misdefinition of money as a commodity insinuated a mythology of money into economics in 1776, from which it has not recovered. He did this despite the earlier work of Berkeley, Locke and Franklin, from 1729 to 1735, in his library which more accurately identified money’s abstract nature.

The Bank of England had advanced to abstract money; not in theory, but in practice. Smith regressed in theory from coinage to metal by weight, where the concept of money had been before the Romans arrived in England. His theory applied to their practice caused confusion and created mystery to this day. Interestingly, Marx did little better.

A priesthood of economists was recruited, trained and rewarded to promote the myths; ignoring the evidence to the contrary; disregarding its bad effects on the people. Thus the great 19th century English reformer Thomas Michael Sadler observed: "economists are the pests of society and the persecutors of the poor."

Today it is still the bankers versus the society. In philosophical shorthand it can be expressed as Adam Smith, or present day economics versus Aristotle. At base, the battle remains private money vs. Public money. The outcome determines whether the money system operates to serve the few in control, or the whole society.

The outcome of the struggle is determined by society’s concept of money – its definition of money.

Mankind can live under various forms of government from dictatorship to republic, but the best systems are those in harmony with human nature. Likewise many things can be made into money, but the best will be the ones in harmony with the nature of money.

Remember: do not confuse money with tangible wealth. Yes, commodities can be improperly monetized by law. The result will make the money system hostage to the commodities situation; hostage to the people, companies, countries that control the commodity. Ultimately it removes the monetary power from society and places it into the hands of the wealthy.

And do not confuse money with credit – either private or public credit. Yes private credits can be improperly monetized by law. But that gives great privilege to those whose credits have been monetized, to the detriment of the whole society. The money system then becomes an engine of injustice – as it is now.

Accountants have confused this by calling different things by the same name. When money is placed into an account, it can be recorded as a credit there, but that does not make the nature of money a credit. Monetizing private credit removes the monetary power from society and places it into the hands of the bankers. I ask you to make an effort to separate these concepts in your mind, and see where it leads you.

Today there is an effort to completely remove the concept of money from our language and replace it with a concept of credit.

[Any questions up to now?]

Our American monetary experience contains many of the best case studies for understanding money. Two features set American history apart:

First, we have always been a great monetary laboratory. Almost every conceivable monetary solution has been tried at some time here.

Second, America has been a nation of paper money. Our development was inseparable from it right from colonial days. Without it there would not be a United States.

English and Dutch laws forbade sending coinage to the colonies, placing them in continual monetary distress. The intent was to extract raw materials, not for the colonists to trade with each other. Around the 1640s more people were going back to Europe than were coming here. The colonies had to devise monetary innovations.

In the country pay period (1632 – 92) various commodities were monetized by law at specified prices. But everyone wanted to pay with the least desirable commodity, in the worst condition. Tobacco failed.

1652 – Hull’s Mint in Massachusetts stamped the gold and silver "tree coinage." But it quickly flowed to England and was melted down.

Private land banks were set up from time to time, but were shunned by the colonists, who considered money a prerogative of government, as it was in England until 1694.

Then in 1690 Massachusetts embarked on a radical course and issued paper bills of credit, spending them into circulation. Rather than a promise to pay anything, they were a promise to receive them back for all payments to the commonwealth. The colony thrived. Other colonies copied them and infrastructure arose.

Some long lost principles of money began to resurface:

Money need not have intrinsic value; its nature is more of an abstract legal power than a commodity.
They found that accepting the government paper back in taxes was the key feature needed to give them circulating value.
They learned that the quantity of money in circulation had to be regulated to maintain its value.
The colonists observed that the paper money helped to build real infrastructure.
Their governments did not issue more money than their legislatures authorized.
In 1723 Pennsylvania adopted a similar system, loaning the bills into circulation, charging interest on them and using it to pay colonial expenses. Ben Franklin wrote:
"Experience, more prevalent than all the logic in the world, has fully convinced us all, that paper money has been, and is now of the greatest advantages to the country."

In Franklins’ words, you see the tension even then, between theoretical argument and practical experience, a continuing battleground in economics today.

Unfortunately the colonial monetary experience has been miscast as irresponsible inflationary paper money. This was originally the result of Boston’s Dr. William Douglas’ inaccurate writings. This error was corrected by Alexander Del Mar in 1900, but was completely ignored. It was authoritatively cleared up again by Professor Leslie Brock in 1976 and again ignored. Many economists and especially the libertarians still have not got the message that colonial government paper money was crucial in building the colonies.

In 1764, England’s lords of trade and plantations blocked all colonial legal tender and that was the underlying cause of the American Revolution, not some tax on tea.

The continental currency became the lifeblood of the revolution. $200 million were authorized and $200 million issued. But the British counterfeited billions. Nevertheless the continentals carried us over 5½ years of revolution to within 6 months of final victory. Tom Paine, father of the American Revolution wrote:

"Every stone in the bridge that has carried us over seems to have a claim upon our esteem. But this was a corner stone, and its usefulness cannot be forgotten."

How private central banking started in America in three steps
First step: our constitutional convention, considered two grand themes on humanity: first whether mankind could be self-governing – known as the American Experiment. It is still in doubt today because the convention mishandled the other grand theme over the nature money.

They met from May to September 1787 but the money subject did not come up until August 16th. Jefferson and Paine were not there. Franklin was too old to speak.

A curious book on money appeared, written anonymously by Calvinist clergyman John Witherspoon. The book attacked government money and promoted Adam Smith’s primitive view that only gold and silver are money. It stonewalled our hard won colonial monetary experience.

The power for government to create money, long considered a necessary part of sovereignty was already in the articles of confederation, but the federalists who supposedly called the convention in order to strengthen the national government, fought to exclude this crucial power from the new government, arguing that it could not be trusted with it! Some of them intended to get hold of the power privately as had been done in England.

The supreme importance of understanding the nature of money now becomes evident:

If money obtains its value from "intrinsic" qualities, it could be viewed more as a creature of merchants and bankers than of governments.

If money’s essence is an abstract social institution obtaining value through law, then it is a creature of government and the constitution had better deal with it adequately. Describing how a uniform currency is to be provided, controlled and kept reasonably stable, in a just manner. The Constitutional Convention faltered on this crucial question.

The delegates accepted Adam Smith’s primitive concept of money and didn’t firmly place the money power into government’s hands, leaving it ambiguous.

But the money power would still exist. What I am suggesting is that human affairs require government to have four branches, not three; the fourth branch to administer the money power. You can’t expect the legislative, executive or judiciary to fully understand the money area.

The constitution left the money power up for grabs. Alexander Hamilton wasted no time in grabbing.

The second step: the bond theft. The constitution went into effect in late 1789. Hamilton’s first move as Secretary of the Treasury, was to assume $15 million of the state debts...an extremely unpopular act. Why?

The worthless debt was held by the revolutionary soldiers, farmers, manufacturers and merchants who furnished its supplies. As congress secretly passed the bill behind closed doors, the country was overrun by speculators, buying up the certificates for pennies on the dollar. Madison tried to have the law distinguish between speculators and original holders but was voted down.

The Third step: Hamilton and associates, having kept the monetary power out of government, moved to assume it themselves. Arguing that the bank of North America was only a State Bank, Hamilton suggested it come forward if it wanted to alter itself for the national purpose. It was the only bank in the U.S. being formed during the revolution on Tom Paine’s initiative. Curiously, the bank of North America took no steps toward this obvious increase in profit and power.

Hamilton’s Federalists quickly put through legislation chartering the first bank of the United States, as a privately owned central bank on the bank of England model. The bank would be issuing paper notes not really backed by metal, but pretending to be redeemable in coinage, on the one condition that not a lot of people asked for redemption! They never had much coinage.

Thus the real question was whether it would be private banks or the government that would issue paper money. Will the immense power and profit of issuing currency go to the benefit of the whole nation, or to the private bankers? That’s always been the real monetary question in America.

Gold and silver served as a smoke-screen. What the bankers counted on were the legal considerations of the money. They knew that all that was needed to give their paper notes value was for the government to accept them in payment for taxes; that and not issuing too excessive a quantity. Under those conditions, the paper notes they printed out of thin air, would be a claim on any wealth existing in the society.

And we see why the Bank of North America was not put forward for this purpose: the U.S. government had owned 60% of it. Thomas willing resigned the presidency.

Of the Bank of North America, to become president of the First Bank of the U.S. the government would only own 20% of the new bank.

Just where did the money for first bank of the U.S come from? Remember the bond theft?

The $10 million subscription for the banks’ shares, was oversubscribed within 2 hours. Only 1/10 of it was ever paid in gold. The rest was accepted in the form of bonds – the government bonds that Hamilton had turned from pennies on the dollar to full value. The money for the private bank actually came from the American people.

Even if the bank had "faithfully" stuck to gold and silver, the nation’s monetary power would still have been alienated to the east - to the European holders of those commodities. Same people we’d just fought the revolution against!

Thanks to Jefferson’s efforts, the bank was liquidated in 1811. Three quarters of it was found to be owned by English and Dutch.

WE PROPOSE THE FOLLOWING REFORMS:

Nationalize the Federal Reserve System. Reconstitute it in the US Treasury, to evolve over time into a fourth branch of government. Only the government would create money. What would such government money look like? Well you have some in your pockets right now. Coin Vs Paper Money.
Remove the privilege which banks presently have to create money. This is done through an elegant process which automatically turns all the previously issued bank credit into real American money. 100% reserves are reached not by calling in loans but by increasing reserves. UNDERSTAND this is very different from simply demanding 100% reserves, which would wreck the economy.
Institute programs for automatic, constitutionally determined government money creation, starting with the $1.5 trillion which the American Society of Civil Engineers need to bring our infrastructure up to acceptable levels. From there we go forward carefully determining how to best run the monetary system, and thoughtfully use Aristotle's method, we learn by doing.
THE ATTACK ON GOVERNMENT/SOCIETY/HUMANITY
Interestingly we found that the modern 250 year attack on government, on society’s one organizational form capable of standing up against the plutocracy began with Adam Smith’s vicious attack on England originated largely in Adam Smith’s efforts to keep the monetary power within the Bank of England. Smith glorified the Bank and obscured its private ownership writing that it operated as a "great engine of state." He attacked English government issued money.
"A revenue of this kind has even by some people been thought not below the attention of so great an Empire as that of Great Britain...But whether such a Government as that of England - which, whatever may be its virtues, has never been famous for good economy; which, in time of peace, has generally conducted itself with the slothful and negligent profusion that is perhaps natural to monarchies; and in time of war has constantly acted with all the thoughtless extravagance that democracies are apt to fall into - could be safely trusted with the management of such a project, must at least be a good deal more doubtful." (Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations; p.358 – in the Great Books collection, vol. 39)

Smith’s lying attacks on the English Government mark the modern beginning of a relentless attack on society - the belittling and smearing of its organizational form – government: the single organization potentially able to block plutocracy’s encroachments. Smith also inadvertently illuminates the major purpose of this attack: - to keep the money power in private hands.

Every day in America we see examples of how this disease has reached epidemic proportions. It has spread from the Austrian economists, and Hayek and Ayn Rand to their intellectual heir Rush Limbaugh and his propaganda radio. Its not entertainment. It has long gone beyond political error and propaganda into treason.

Furthermore we find that the fraudulent monetary attack on government is also at the base of sources of the freedom diversion as practiced by the Libertarians. An example is how Robert Nozick launches his State, Anarchy, Utopia book, one of the Libertarians bibles, on Menger’s false notion of the Origin of Money right on page 18. Thus AMI Research Paper # 1 is A Refutation of Menger’s Theory of The Origin of Money.

The attack on government is bad enough, but it becomes really obnoxious when combined with the attack on humanity. Henry George eloquently described Smith’s Selfishness error:

"Dr. Buckles understanding of Political Economy was that it eliminated every other feeling than selfishness." Where Smith ‘generalizes the laws of wealth, not from the phenomena of wealth, nor from statistical statements, but from the phenomena of selfishness; thus making a deductive application of one set of mental principles to the whole set of economical facts. He everywhere assumes that the great moving power of all men, all interests and all classes, in all ages and in all countries is selfishness…indeed Adam Smith will hardly admit common humanity into his theory of motives.’" (SPE, 89, 90)

Consider the negative impact on humanity of Smith’s selfishness assumption: If Man is defined in such a base manner and systems of laws with their rewards and punishments are enforced along those lines, then over time, they will tend to create a form of humanity in "harmony" with their false concept of an economic mankind.

This de-evolutionary process, encouraging a lower form of humanity has been ongoing especially in the English speaking world for well over 2 centuries. The work of great English novelists such as Charles Dickens may have slowed it, but didn’t stop it. Henry George saw exactly where it would lead:

"Nor can we abstract from man all but selfish qualities in order to make as the object of our thought…what has been called ‘economic man’, without getting what is really a monster, not a man." (SPE, 99)

George substituted a different concept for Smith’s destructive error:
"The fundamental principle of human action … is that men seek to gratify their desires with the least exertion."(P&P, 203)

Then taking a giant step, he poetically described the essence of humanity-

The Force of Forces:
"It is not selfishness that enriches the annals of every people with heroes and saints… that on every page of the world’s history bursts out in sudden splendor…that turned (Buddhas’ back to his royal home or bade (Joan of Arc) lift the sword from the altar; that held the Three Hundred (Spartans) in the Pass of Thermopylae, or gathered into Winkelreid’s bosom the sheaf of spears…Call it religion, patriotism, or the love of God - give it what name you will; there is yet a force which overcomes and drives out selfishness; a force which is the electricity of the moral universe; a force beside which all others are weak…I call this force destiny toward human nature - a higher, nobler nature than we generally manifest…And this force of forces - that now goes to waste or assumes perverted forms - we may use for the strengthening, and building up, and ennobling of society, if we but will…"(P&P, 463)

[We have a lot more to talk about in the question period]

COMPARING THE RESULTS OF PRIVATE VERSUS PUBLIC CONTROL
A Science of money shows that issuing money belongs in the hands of the nation to be used for the common good. A Plutocracy counters with a mythology – the slur that government – the organized expression of our society can’t handle it. Centuries of propaganda raise the fear of inflation and abuse under government money, even though the record shows much greater monetary abuse by private systems. In this campaign they still advertise the 700 year old cases of monarchs "debasing" their coinage, but NEVER give the context that this period occurred after the collapse of European monetary order with the fall of Byzantium in 1204. Not mentioned is that much of the Kingly alterations were a necessary form of taxation, or that REPUBLICS fared much better than monarchies or that private bankers caused greater problems.

As an island community, English Kings did pretty well on money:

In 1346 Parliament tried to gain control over money but was refused. In 1414 Parliament tried to get veto power on money but was again refused. Breckenridge thought parliament failed because the English King’s long standing monetary prerogative had been used responsibly. Shaw’s History of Currency, written in 1896, could identify only one case of monarchical coinage irresponsibility:

"This instance of debasement (1545-46 under Henry VIII) is the only one on record in English currency history," he wrote, and it amounted to a grand debasement of about 15%! WHAT’S THE BIG DEAL? If your mental impression of that case is a lot worse, it shows how effective the propaganda is.

The reigning error on government and money has taken billions of dollars to create. Its epitomized in The distinguished conservative journalist Henry Hazlitt’s introduction to Andrew Dickson White’s essay, Fiat Money Inflation in France, a classic attack on government:

"(The) world has failed to learn the lesson of the Assignats. Perhaps the study of the other great inflations - of John Law’s experiments with credit in France …; of the history of our own Continental currency …; of the Greenbacks of our Civil War; of the great German inflation that culminated in 1923 - would help to underscore and impress that lesson. Must we, from this appalling and repeated record, draw once more the despairing conclusion that the only thing man learns from history is that man learns nothing from history?"

Hazlitt really believed history backed up his viewpoint, but it does not, when one bothers to look.

THE CONTINENTAL CURRENCY of the American Revolution. $200 million were authorized and $200 million issued. They functioned well until General Howe made New York City the center for British counterfeiting. The Brits counterfeited billions of our Continentals. If you ever find out how many, please let us know for the record! Newspaper ads openly offered the forgeries; yet General Clinton complained:

"The experiments suggested by your Lordships have been tried, no assistance that could be drawn from the power of gold or the arts of counterfeiting have been left untried; but still the currency...has not failed."

The Continentals carried us over 5½ years of Revolution to within 6 months of final victory. Tom Paine wrote:

"Every stone in the Bridge, that has carried us over, seems to have a claim upon our esteem. But this was a corner stone ...to suppose as some did, that, at the end of the war, it was to grow into gold or silver… was to suppose that we were to get 200 millions of dollars by going to war, instead of paying the cost of carrying it on."

The Continental Currency gave us a nation.

France’s Money System was brought down by John Law a fugitive Scottish gambler.

But Law’s operations were structured as private companies despite his recommending governmental structures. After an initial widely hailed success in 1720, his main focus became raising the price of the private company shares. Law’s system was thus largely a failure of private money speculation. The more obvious lesson is that it is not a good idea to turn your nation’s money system over to a professional gambler wanted for murder in his home country! DUH.

France’s later Assignats from 1789 were government issued, but in a society ruined by aristocratic extravagance and revolution. In the money battle White’s short book Fiat Money Inflation in France is a major propaganda weapon against government money and is direct evidence of how the battle is fought. But the book was written in 1876 during the Greenback battles, 100 years after the Assignats, to block the Greenbacks. Stephen Dillaye writes us that White, whose inherited fortune arose from banking, neglected to mention that Britain counterfeited far more Assignats than the French ever created.

This was documented in English court cases where the counterfeiters sued each other! Whites book has somehow been continuously kept in print by conservative foundations, the latest being the Cato Institute; Dillaye’s important essay, out of print for 125 years is quite rare but we managed to find one, and will reprint it.

Does Germany’s 1923 Hyperinflation condemn government money?
NO! - In fact that occurred under a privately owned and privately controlled Reichsbank. Furthermore the hyperinflation began the very month that all German governmental influence on the bank was removed and placed in private hands at the insistence of the occupation forces. Furthermore Hjalmar Schacht tells us in his 1967 book The Magic of Money, that this private Reichsbank actually facilitated the hyperinflation by financing the speculators short sales of the mark. He didn’t mention these things in his 1928 book on the subject. Do you see the pattern that emerges from these monetary fiascos?

And the American Greenbacks?
Again this case does not stand scrutiny. $450 million were authorized and $450 million were printed. Counterfeiters could not duplicate the Greenbacks. Every Greenback was eventually exchangeable one for one with gold coin. The Greenbacks were our best money system to date.

But Greenbacks were not promises to pay money later – they were the money. Since they were not borrowed, they did not give rise to interest payments and did not add to any national debt. The U.S. Treasury printed them and spent them into circulation. Neither were they public credit! Knowledgeable reformers – Butler – apparently aware of this conceptual problem referred to them as certificates of value – MONEY is the better term!

And what if instead of being spent on destruction, they went into building infrastructure and canals and roads? Spending such money on infrastructure need not be inflationary.

THE GREAT LESSON OF THE GREENBACKS is that in times of crisis - and other times too - our nation has Power to do what is financially necessary. We do not have to beg or borrow from the wealthy and create an astronomical national debt; or tax the middle class into oblivion, or cancel necessary programs. We can use the nations’ sovereign money power far more than we presently have been allowed to realize.

Summarizing Four Destructive Thrusts of Adam Smith/Economics:

Beware of the Money "error", the Attack on Society/Government; the Smithian Free Trade Trap; and Smith’s Selfishness Assumption.

THE FREEDOM DIVERSION
In addition to Smith’s monetary error and his attack on government – an attack on society really – there is what’s been referred to as "the Smithian Free Trade Trap." To understand that trickery as it relates to international trade, now Globalization, you simply must read Frederich List’s National System of Political Economy.

List showed that while England aggressively promoted Smith’s "free trade" ideas to other countries, she herself pursued a very different policy herself, which was to import raw materials and apply mechanical power to them in a production process. England was thus applying the principles of the industrial revolution, but tried to hide that fact from other nations.

The "Freedom Mantra" is now placed on all sorts of doubtful practices to cleanse their image and shield them from closer scrutiny. For example, the Iraq horror is officially termed operation "Enduring Freedom." By labeling any activity, however criminal, with the word "free," you are expected to kneel and worship it.

"Free Market" Worship shows itself to be more a religion to be obeyed, rather than an economic policy to be analyzed and critiqued.

The Free Banking Movement is one example. They set aside the universal condemnation of free banking as mere "anecdotal evidence" which they think they can whitewash with theories. But in my book I point out the six major errors of this so-called "free banking" movement (Ch.16), including their misidentifying the free banking period in America.

There is now a danger that the Austrians will try to channel local currency advocates toward a form of free banking. We have already been down that dead end road, and it would be a shame to divert otherwise healthy people into wasting energy there.

HENRY GEORGE offers a cure for the anti-government malaise, especially in Social Problems. Some brief excerpts:

On The Purpose of Government he wrote:
"As society develops… it becomes necessary for government,…that social organ by which alone the whole body of individuals can act, to take upon itself… certain functions which cannot safely be left to individuals…" (Soc Pr, 177)

On The Problem of Corruption:
"(Corruption) is no reason why we should shrink from political action, for it is only through political action that we can improve conditions which produce corruption."(Standard, Jan 7 1888)

On The Abuse of Government:
"But beneath everything…there lies as the vital danger to the Republic, the increasing inequality in the distribution of wealth….but consider what is the cause? …the power of government has been deliberately and continuously prostituted to make the rich richer and the poor poorer." (Standard, Sept 14, 1889)

A Forgotten Principle of Government:
(*)"...Any considerable interest having necessary relations with government is more corruptive of government when acting upon government from without then when assumed by government…." (Soc Pr, 185-6)

On Government Efficiency
"…In regard to public affairs we too easily accept the dictum that faithful and efficient work can be secured only by the hopes of…profit or the fear of…loss."

There! Take two aspirin and re-read as needed. Its stupid to hate your own government/society. Its all that can stand between you and a strange form of corporate slavery – what I refer to as "Disney Fascism." Time to grow up, fellow Americans, and help us fix this obnoxious dead end road some woefully foolish and sick people are misleading us on to. It will take a touch of moral courage, won't it? Its not so easy to identify evil to its face, because we don't really want to believe in the existence of such evil.  Comedians understand that we'd rather joke about it. Some of the worst politicians are always trying to put us off with their little jokes. Yet we must develop that courage, now, before the inescapably disastrous results of anti-human economic policy are too far gone to avoid cataclysm. Because then mankind would become a joke, and that is not what God, or natures' God intended for humanity. Courage Friends.





RAW DEALING
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/prem...aling.html


The claims of professional ethics may provide a veneer of respectability for major accountancy firms, but their practices reveal the truth.
Prem Sikka

Accountancy firms are the new masters of the universe shaping audits, accounting, accountability, corporate governance, taxation, insolvency, consultancy, railways, the NHS, Private Finance Initiative (PFI), government departments and much more.

The world of accountancy is dominated by just four secretive accountancy firms: PricewaterhouseCoopers, Deloitte & Touche, Ernst & Young and KPMG, although their might is now being challenged by mid-tier firms such as Grant Thornton. The Big Four's combined global income of $80bn is greater than the gross domestic product of many nation states. They are controlled by secret trusts headquartered in offshore tax havens (Bermuda and Switzerland), which do not have multilateral information sharing treaties with other countries. Despite appealing to codes of ethics, profit-hungry accountancy firms are engaged in a race to the bottom. A few examples would help to illustrate the issues.

In the year 2000, the Italian competition authority fined the then Big Six accountancy firms for operating an illegal cartel. Their secret agreements included fixing prices and deciding in advance the firm that would win any auditing contracts. More recently, the Big Four firms, plus Grant Thornton, got together to challenge the French government over its law barring accountancy firms from auditing a company's accounts if they have provided advisory services to the client in the past two years. The same firms are planning to make further joint challenges to the French law. The UK government has shown no interest in investigating the practices of major firms.

Around the world, some $2.5 trillion is estimated to be laundered each year. An early indication of the involvement of accountants is provided by the UK high court judgment in the case of AGIP (Africa) Limited v Jackson & Others (1990) 1 Ch 265et seq. The judgment noted that:

"Mr Jackson and Mr Griffin are professional men. They obviously knew they were laundering money ... It must have been obvious to them that their clients could not afford their activities to see the light of the day. ... [They] were introduced to the High Holborn branch of Lloyds Bank Plc in March 1983 by a Mr Humphrey, a partner in the well-known firm of Thornton Baker [this is now part of Grant Thornton]. They probably took over an established arrangement. Thenceforth they provided the payee companies ... In each case Mr Jackson and Mr Griffin were the directors and the authorised signatories on the company's account at Lloyds Bank. In the case of the first few companies Mr Humphrey was also a director and authorised signatory. "


Despite the very strong court judgment, there has been no investigation by any UK government department, regulator or professional body.

Tax avoidance is a huge money-spinner for accountancy firms. The US government is estimated to be losing nearly $300bn of tax revenues each year. The US Senate committee on governmental affairs (pdf) investigated the activities of KPMG and after examining the firm's internal documents concluded (page 4 of the report) that the firm:

" ... devoted substantial resources to, and obtained significant fees from, developing, marketing, and implementing potentially abusive and illegal tax shelters that US taxpayers might otherwise have been unable, unlikely or unwilling to employ, costing the treasury billions of dollars in lost tax revenues".


The Senate hearings found that to secure competitive advantage senior officials at the firm had decided not to comply with the law requiring them to register avoidance schemes with the tax authorities. One internal document, mentioned on page 13 of the Senate report (pdf), noted that:

"Based upon our analysis of the applicable penalty sections, we conclude that the penalties would be no greater than $14,000 per $100,000 in KPMG fees ... For example, our average ... deal would result in KPMG fees of $360,000 with a maximum penalty exposure of only $31,000".


Through such strategies KPMG received more than $120m in fees while the US treasury lost billions in tax revenues.

Subsequently, the US department of justice charged (pdf) the firm with criminal conduct. The firm admitted such conduct and paid a fine of $456m. Several KPMG (now ex) partners are facing what the US department of Justice described as "the largest criminal tax case ever filed". In March 2006, one of its ex-partners told a court, "I willfully aided and abetted the evasion of taxes". Other major firms and their partners are also facing lawsuits for selling questionable tax avoidance schemes.

The US methods for selling tax services also appear to be used in the UK. For example, a Tax Tribunal heard (pdf) that KPMG cold-called clients to sell a VAT avoidance scheme. The scheme was found to be unlawful and the firm appealed to the European court of justice, which declared it to be "unacceptable". Accountancy firms continue to sell dubious tax avoidance schemes (pdf). A partner of a mid-tier firm was bold enough to say: "no matter what legislation is in place, the accountants and lawyers will find a way around it. Rules are rules, but rules are meant to be broken". The UK is estimated to be losing between £97bn and £150bn of tax revenues each year. Yet neither the Treasury nor any select committee has launched an investigation into the practices of major firms.

In 2001, the New York district attorney told a US Senate committee that:

"In 1996 my office concluded a case involving the bribery of bank officers in US and foreign banks in connection with sales of emerging markets debt, transactions that earned millions for the corrupt bankers and their co-conspirators. In this case, a private debt trader in Westchester County, New York, formerly a vice president of a major US bank, set up shell companies in Antigua with the help of one of the "big-five" [these are now part of the Big Four firms] accounting firms; employees of the accounting firm served as nominee managers and directors.

The payments arranged by the accounting firm on behalf of the crooked debt trader included bribes paid to a New York banker in the name of a British Virgin Islands company, into a Swiss bank account; bribes to two bankers in Florida in the name of another British Virgin Islands corporation and bribes to a banker in Amsterdam into a numbered Swiss account".


Successive UK governments have failed to commission any independent investigations into the real or alleged audit failures at Polly Peck, Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), Levitt Group of Companies, The Accident Group, Resort Hotels, or the UK parts of the Enron, WorldCom, Ahold, Parmalat, WestLB, Hollinger and Xerox episodes. In other countries, the regulators are becoming more concerned. The US securities and exchange commission (SEC) fined PricewaterhouseCoopers for persistent violation of auditor independence rules. Ernst and Young (E&Y) were prosecuted for persistent violations of auditor independence rules.

In April 2004, a 69 page court judgment (pdf) stated: "EY committed repeated violation of the auditor independence standards by conduct that was reckless, highly unreasonable and negligent ... They were committed by professionals throughout the firm, who exhibited no caution or concern for rules on auditor independence in connection with business relationships with an audit client ... EY partners acted recklessly and negligently in committing wilful and deliberate violations of well-established rules ... "



The firm was banned for six months from securing any new audit clients and put on probation for three years.

In another case, a US judge banned a Deloitte & Touche partner for life for audit failures at Adelphia. The judge ruled that among other things the audit partner bowed to pressure from the company, which didn't want to disclose the full amount of money it co-borrowed with businesses owned by its founders.

In September 2005, four accountants at the Japanese firm ChuoAoyama PricewaterhouseCoopers were arrested for allegedly helping Kanebo executives falsify accounting reports and conceal losses of nearly £1bn. After further investigations the Japanese regulators suspended the firm's statutory auditing operations for two months. This effectively haemorrhaged the firm's operations. It subsequently reinvented itself by forming another organisation.

The above is only part of the mounting evidence that raises concerns about the activities of major accountancy firms and highlights the need for UK regulators to intervene.

LOSING THE ECONOMY TO MYTHOLOGY

Paul Craig Roberts
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info...e17823.htm

Economic discussion in the United States is trapped in ancient ruts. Both right and left are stuck in old habitual ways of thinking. Neither shows inclination or ability to think independently of ideology. For a country beset with economic problems, this is problematic.

The ascendency of free market economics during the past quarter century has removed some constraints on corporate power. It is difficult to argue that this is a desirable result. For example, the concentration of media ownership permitted by the Clinton administration in the 1990s has destroyed the independence of the US media, thus reducing the accountability of government. Deregulation has had unintended consequences. The growth of corporate influence has facilitated the reach of special interests into universities and think tanks and turned some from pursuit of truth to “for-profit activities” that compromise the independence of studies and publications.

The left-wing, which refuses to accept that the Great Depression was caused by the Federal Reserve’s mistaken monetary policy and still blames corporate power and greed for the 1930s decade of high unemployment, is disturbed at the loosening of the leash on corporate power. Generally speaking, the left blames President Reagan for boosting corporate power by cutting taxes and for spear-heading union- busting by firing the striking air controllers.

John Kenneth Galbraith was correct that unions provided a countervailing power, one that has been removed. The left-wing is correct that corporations have grown in power and that income inequality has worsened. But the left is wrong in attributing these developments to tax cuts and dismissed air controllers.

The purpose of Reagan’s reduction in marginal tax rates was to cure stagflation and worsening trade-offs between inflation and employment that had undermined Jimmy Carter’s presidency. Reagan’s tax policy brought a record economic expansion that did not require rising rates of inflation to sustain. It is impossible to argue that the decline in inflation and home mortgage rates benefitted the rich more than others. The rich have a lot of margin in their budgets. The poor have none.

US income inequality was worsened and the unions busted by the collapse of world socialism and the rise of the high speed Internet. These two developments, which were not part of Reagan’s economic program, made it possible for corporations to substitute foreign labor for American labor in the production of goods and services for American markets.

Until the collapse of world socialism, corporations did not have access to the large pools of excess labor in China and India. Until the rise of the high speed Internet, corporations could not hire professional services supplied from distant lands. These two developments meant that highly productive and highly paid American labor could be substituted out of production functions and replaced with equally productive but much cheaper foreign labor, because large excess supplies of Asian labor suppressed Asian wages below the productivity of labor.

Industrial unions were busted by the movement of plant, equipment, and technology abroad.

The professional middle class was adversely impacted by the ability of corporations to contract for the delivery via the Internet of professional services from abroad and by the ability to import cheaper foreign workers on H-1B, L-1 and other work visas.

Jobs offshoring is dismantling the ladders of upward mobility in the US, polarizing the population into rich and poor, and, thereby, worsening the income distribution.

Americans need to understand that it is jobs offshoring, not lower tax rates, that is worsening the income distribution. Because of the million dollar cap on tax-deductible executive pay, executive incomes depend primarily on performance-related bonuses. The multi-million dollar CEO pay checks are not salaries. They are bonuses for making or exceeding profit expectations by such practices as offshoring jobs and lowering production costs. We have created an incentive system in which a few corporate executives are amazingly well paid for destroying jobs and career opportunities for Americans. The more they can worsen income inequality by offshoring American jobs, the higher they are paid.

The remedy to this crazy incentive system is not higher tax rates. High marginal tax rates curtail real output. The Federal Reserve then tries to force more output by pumping up the money supply to increase demand, and the economic system responds by raising prices instead of output. This is the serious economic problem that Reagan’s supply- side economic policy cured. To resurrect this problem on top of our other problems would be anything but helpful. The emotional remedy for obscene pay packages is a surtax on multimillion dollar incomes.

Princeton economist Alan Blinder, a former vice chairman of the Federal Reserve, says that the entire range of tradable professional services can be offshored. I agree with him. He estimates the number of these jobs at approximately 50 million.

Should such displacement occur, what occupations would absorb such numbers of economically displaced Americans? As I have documented relentlessly, in the 21st century the US economy, according to the nonfarm payroll data of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, has been able to create net new jobs only in nontradable domestic services, jobs such as waitresses and bartenders and health and social services. Free trade ideologues claim without evidence that the lost jobs will be replaced by better jobs. They do not explain why any such better jobs, should they materialize, would not themselves be offshored.

What to do? Some economists think that the process will produce the solution. At some time in the future the Asian labor supply will be fully utilized. Wages will rise, and Asian labor will be paid in keeping with its productivity. In the US, the decline in demand for labor and the movement abroad of high value added jobs will have lowered real wages. At some point wages at home and abroad will become equal, and the incentive to move jobs offshore will be gone. What economists leave out of the story is the drop in American real incomes and the corresponding social instability in the US while this process works out.

A real solution as opposed to a theoretical one will have to address the powerful incentive to offshore jobs. A solution will have to address the American preoccupation with short-term results. Quarterly reporting was a “reform,” the purpose of which was to provide shareholders with up-to-date information that approximates the information of corporate insiders. In practice, quarterly reporting drives share prices and executive pay. Management and short-term shareholders can get rich from practices that shorten a corporation’s life span, such as selling productive assets and reporting the proceeds as profit and replacing the domestic work force with foreigners.

Another remedy would be a return to tariff protection. However, many economists believe that the decimation of unprotected American industry and professional occupations is a small price to pay for lower consumer prices. These economists ignore that the US prospered under tariffs, as did the tax bases of cities and states.

Considering the difficulty that both left and right experience in thinking outside the box, I do not think a policy remedy will be forthcoming. Rather, the remedy will impose itself. It will come from the loss of the dollar’s role as reserve currency.

Offshoring of manufacturing and professional services turns domestically produced goods and services into imports that worsen the US trade deficit. The rest of the world is willing to finance America’s $800 billion annual trade deficit, because the dollar is the reserve currency. Our trading partners add some of the dollars we pay them for our annual over-consumption to their monetary reserves and use others to purchase US assets such as real estate and companies. If the dollar were not the reserve currency, foreigners would have less inclination to accept them.

The question would then become: How do we pay for our imports when the dollar is no longer the reserve currency?

Since imports include the offshored production of US corporations for US markets, the ability to sell in America the goods and services produced offshore would decline. Corporations would be forced to move the production of goods and services for US markets back to the US.

It is a puzzle that free traders, who are adamantly opposed to tariffs on the grounds that they result in higher prices and lower consumer real incomes, are unfazed by currency devaluation. An excess of dollars is eroding the dollar’s reserve currency role and undermining its value. As tariffs do, dollar devaluation also confronts American consumers with higher prices and lower real incomes.

The difference is that a tariff would have prevented the loss of jobs, careers, and community tax base to offshoring, which then requires a collapse in the dollar to reverse. The cost of not having the tariff protection is the disrupted lives and hardships associated with jobs offshoring and the loss in purchasing power from a lower valued currency.

Economists cannot understand this straightforward analysis, because economists, like neoconservatives, are not reality-based. Economists are governed by the illusion that America’s post World War II prosperity is based on free trade. It is not. America’s post-war prosperity was based on the destruction of the economic capability of the rest of the world by World War II and communism/socialism. America was prosperous in its trade, because no one else could produce anything.

Paul Craig Roberts wrote the Kemp-Roth bill and was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury in the Reagan administration. He was Associate Editor of the Wall Street Journal editorial page and Contributing Editor of National Review. He is author or coauthor of eight books, including The Supply-Side Revolution (Harvard University Press). He has held numerous academic appointments, including the William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University and Senior Research Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He has contributed to numerous scholarly journals and testified before Congress on 30 occasions. He has been awarded the U.S. Treasury's Meritorious Service Award and the French Legion of Honor. He was a reviewer for the Journal of Political Economy under editor Robert Mundell.
THE MORALITY OF ECONOMICS :THE KEY ISSUE OF THE TWENTY FIRST CENTURY

Richard C. Cook
http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?conte...p;aid=6439

Since January 2007, Global Research and other forums have published a series of articles by this writer on the urgent need for economic and monetary reform.

Some readers have commented on how distant these monetary reform recommendations are from current practice. The reason for this is simply that the recommendations derive from a starting point that is not customary.

This starting point is that human morality should be the essential factor in analyzing and making economic policy decisions. In other words, an economic system should reflect what is good and right, not just what those in power choose to dictate or the compromises that can be worked out by the balance of power in some political equation.

Economic decisions, as they are made presently within the United States and elsewhere, reflect the standpoint of a moral outlook that is critically defective. This is what must be changed, not just mechanics.

For the past quarter century, economic life, under the rubric of globalization, has increasingly been based on such overt or covert precepts as, “survival of the fittest,” “privatization,” “might makes right,” “money talks,” “whoever has the gold rules,” and “let the buyer beware.”

All are basically reflections of the profit motive vs. any ideal of charity, compassion, or service. Indeed, mention of such lofty motivations is even likely to evoke sneers among self-anointed “realists.” But the fact is that laws and practices have been increasingly marked by greed for gain by some at the expense of everyone else, which is an indicator of a society-wide relapse into barbarism.

These trends have been abetted by the contention that economics is a science, somehow similar to physics, which describes the behavior of “forces” that are essentially amoral. The primary such force, perhaps, is the postulated existence of an impersonal “market,” the functioning of which, even when appearing ruthless, supposedly results in the common good.

A recent example may be found in a statement by Secretary of the Treasury Henry M. Paulson to Fortune magazine predicting a global economic downturn. Paulson said, “It’s just that we’re not going to defy economic gravity.” By placing his forecast on a par with the most relentless of all physical laws, Paulson lends an aura of inevitability to events which, if they occur, could be devastating to billions of people.

By implication, Paulson also denies the possibility of any political choice about the likely event, even though it would be at least partially a result of the housing bubble, the biggest such financial travesty in history, which the Federal Reserve, along with the last several presidential administrations, have contributed to creating in the absence of any genuine economic driver for the U.S. economy.

But such “forces” as policy-makers buy into are usually manmade. Further, more than people realize, the way a nation’s economy functions is a reflection of its moral choices and values. The “market” behaves as it is designed to behave and distributes its benefits accordingly. The upside of this observation is that an economic system can be altered to reflect a higher moral vision.

A glaring instance was the 600-plus-point drop in the Dow-Jones the week of July 23. The “causes” were the ongoing collapse of the housing market and the worldwide tightening of credit. Though many commentators have been predicting an economic decline, few are willing to say that the credit crunch is by design and represents a choice by the central banks, including the Federal Reserve, to favor the interests of creditors over debtors.

The most basic question to be addressed in analyzing the morality of economics is whether human beings have a right to life. Most people would say yes. Many would consider the answer so obvious that the question is unnecessary, even foolish. The basic principle of the Declaration of Independence is that human beings have an “unalienable right” to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

Yet the actions of governments and individuals give the lie to this idea. Even after a century of the horrors of world war, governments continue to embrace war as an instrument of policy. This has applied particularly with regard to the United States, which has engaged in almost continuous warfare since 1941 and which today maintains military personnel or bases in over 130 countries.

Weapons of violence and warfare blanket the earth. Obviously many people believe that human beings have a right to life unless some government that is armed to the teeth decides otherwise. The most recent glaring example has been the U.S. occupation of Iraq, which, based on whatever rationale, has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilian non-combatants. In this instance, the values of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” have clearly been viewed as secondary to other, perhaps unstated, priorities. One such priority, without doubt, is control of oil.

This is only one example whereby the basic precepts of human welfare have taken a back seat to more urgent imperatives. Decisions are constantly being made by some people that have a life or death result for others, including the one to maintain or even raise interest rates in the face of the pending economic decline.

There was a time when individuals and families were much better equipped than at present to live by means of their own labor, without regard to the economic decisions made by economists, financiers, military planners, or politicians. Tribal and agrarian societies, including much of the United States through at least the end of the nineteenth century, were based on technologies that allowed people to survive at a subsistence level with minimal interference by outside experts or authorities.

The same was true of the agricultural and peasant classes of Europe until recent times. Even during the so-called “Dark Ages,” the masses of people were able to subsist off the land even as the warrior castes slaughtered each other.

All this changed through the mechanization of work brought about by the industrial revolution. Now more could be produced by fewer workers. The first of many epoch-making innovations was the application of steam power to the operation of machines. Observers believed naively that mankind had now evolved to such a degree that the curse of labor had been lifted and that the human race would now be free from merely having to earn a living and could devote itself to higher pursuits.

But it turned out that the benefits of industrialization flowed mainly to those who controlled the processes of production. Those who did the work, or those whose work was no longer needed, were left out. The system which imposed this paradigm was capitalism. It was opposed by a variety of ideologies, including various types of socialism and trade unionism, which argued that the gains in productivity really should be viewed as the property of the community, not just a handful of those with economic and political power.

In recent years, capitalism has conquered most of the world, even in countries that still may consider themselves socialist, such as China. The brand of capitalism that has become the most powerful is finance capitalism, based ultimately on the lending of money at interest. Backing up this system is the greatest arsenal of weapons of mass destruction ever seen.

There was a time when such lending, particularly at excessive rates of interest, was condemned as usury, but no more. Now it is even a matter of official policy that the central banks of the world may raise interest rates as high as they wish if they are able to make the claim that they are fighting inflation or making borrowers more responsible. The name for this policy is “monetarism.” But this justification of lending practices that many ethical authorities in history have regarded as criminal is an excuse, not a reason.

As a result of capitalism, much of the world’s population has increasingly been left out of the prosperity and material security that industrialization once seemed to promise. Around the world, the benefits clearly have accrued mainly to the upper income echelons, while the majority of people are left to struggle. The results increasingly are un- or under-employment, poverty, lack of adequate nutrition or health care, or even, in many countries, starvation.

Within the United States alone, thirty-five million people are malnourished and almost a million are homeless, including some war veterans. No one could possibly argue that all of these people are personally at fault and that none are suffering because of the type of economy we have chosen to embrace. Yet for many, poverty and homelessness are a death sentence, whether through ill health, exposure, or violence, because in economics, due process and equal protection of the laws no longer seem to apply.

Faced with such situations, another ideology has sprung up based on the idea that there are not enough resources on the earth to support the human population, so that many must simply die—with the exception, of course, of oneself, one’s friends and family, one’s co-religionists, or one’s countrymen. Overly-pessimistic alarms about such phenomena as global warming also become part of the litany of doomsayers.

This latter-day Malthusianism is more prevalent than many are aware of. We are afflicted with a mind-set of scarcity in a Universe where there are so many signs of an infinity of abundance. It may be easier to comprehend a philosophy of abundance by realizing that the resources available to us may someday include not only those of the earth but those of surrounding space and the solar system as well.

People are drawn into the illusion of scarcity without giving much thought as to whether there might be better ways to distribute the prosperity of the modern technology-driven economy so that the world’s population can be adequately maintained. But doing so must be a collective effort. What, then, does society have a moral obligation to provide to its members under today’s conditions?

The most obvious is meaningful employment. Here United States policy makers have failed drastically by pursuing policies which have led to the collapse of our industrial base and the export of so many of our jobs. But even beyond creation of a robust producing economy, three additional measures come to mind.

One is a guaranteed income for all. Each individual should be granted, as a basic human right, a sufficient amount of money to survive at a subsistence level. Such an income should be made as a recurring cash payment by every government, or on a worldwide basis by the U.N. Richer nations should provide poorer ones the means to do this if necessary. There is no reason except human ignorance why poverty worldwide could not be eliminated now through a basic income guarantee.

The second should be low-cost credit provided at the individual and consumer levels for grassroots economic development. Credit should be viewed as both a public utility and a human right and should be made available at minimal cost—no more than one percent interest payable to whatever public agency is charged with administering the program. Banks have the privilege of creating credit “out of nothing.” Governments, which grant banks this privilege, should have it also and could and should exercise it to the benefit of their populations. Low-cost credit is essential for maintenance of dynamic local economies.

The third is a public infrastructure consisting of health, education, water, transportation, and waste disposal services that are provided without charge to all persons. Again, there is no reason except prejudice why governments should not be able to exercise the privilege of spending or lending money directly into circulation for these purposes without recourse to either taxation or borrowing. As America’s greatest inventor, Thomas Edison, once observed, the government could as easily spend interest-free money into circulation for such purposes as sell bonds to banks then borrow the money back as an addition to the public debt.

An economic and monetary system that would provide these benefits is within reach, given the current state of development of technology and the world economy. Once the system is in place, society would have a firm basis on which a robust and creative private sector could be supported, including meaningful jobs available on demand. The first requirement for prosperity would have been met, which is a healthy, educated, and enterprising population.

In fact, more advanced economies could provide an additional cash dividend to their citizens in order to allow firms engaged in production to recover through their pricing sufficient earnings for investment in future growth and innovation. The term used by monetary reformers for such a stipend is a “National Dividend.”



These measures could be instituted regardless of the type of political system a nation chooses to embrace. They would not only sustain the entire population but would also inject the purchasing power needed at the grassroots level to distribute what the global economy is able to produce. The number one unsolved economic problem the world faces today is that people lack purchasing power to buy what industry can create, so they must constantly go deeper into debt.



Such a program as described herein would go a long way toward satisfying the injunction contained in all the world’s religions which is reflected in the Christian precept that we should strive to “love our neighbor as ourselves.” This is what I believe should define the morality of economics. Our community life would then become a “house built on rock,” rather than on the shifting sands of greed, profiteering, poverty, and debt.



We must realize that as long as a single person on earth is unfairly denied sustenance, we remain barbarians. Everywhere in the world people are waking up to the fact that the work of applying enlightened concepts of morality to economics is the key task which mankind faces in the twenty-first century. Unfortunately, as of this writing, there are signs that those in power are making plans for another wave of warfare and violence to hold the day of reckoning at bay. But they cannot do so forever.


NOBEL ECONOMICS PRIZE: THE PRICE IS USUALLY WRONG !
http://larouchepac.com/news/2007/10/20/n...wrong.html

While the snow piles up to record heights in the Swiss Alps, "global warming" hoaxster Al Gore is not the only fellow enjoying the receipt of a Nobel prize for fraud. Just at the moment that the present world monetary system has entered its terminal-collapse phase, three relevant, intellectually culpable U.S. academics, the University of Minnesota's Leonid Hurwicz, Princeton's Eric S. Maskin, and Chicago University's Roger B. Myerson, have been awarded this year's prize "for having laid the foundations of mechanism design theory'." The Nobel committee's folly in this case illustrates the nature of some of the most important causes for the currently ongoing, chain-reaction-like, physical disintegration of the world's present monetary-financial system.

First of all, it must appear that the Nobel Committee's award to Hurwicz, Maskin, and Myerson, signifies that that Committee does not presently require a demonstration of what a scientific tradition defines as a "crucial," or unique (einzigartig: Riemann[1]) proof of principle in defining its standards for awards. This is not exactly a new problem in the Committee's process of making awards in the field of economics; years ago, I wryly suggested that I might consider suing the Committee for defamation were it ever to proffer an award in economics to me (or, implicitly, to any other qualified scientist in the field). The hilarious feature of the Committee's referenced announcement of the economics prize, is that the award has been publicized today, precisely at the moment that the way of thinking represented by the current trio, has just recently unleashed a design for the already onrushing, greatest single monetary-policy disaster in all modern world history since the Weimar Germany crisis of 1923![2]

For our purposes in EIR today, the significance of that Nobel award, apart from the fact of the relevant piece's essential scientific incompetence, is that that incompetence is an all too typical symptom of the depth of the intellectual decadence which pollutes so much of the kind of already pervasive ideology influencing the field of economics, national political trends, and related subjects. This is a trend to be assessed as reflecting the increasingly sick state of mind which has been a critical contributing factor in the presently onrushing global social-economic disaster.

The formal, academic, and related origins of the dogma presented by the same embarrassing trio, are to be traced to a point, more than a century ago, in Bertrand Russell's notorious Principles of Mechanics and, also, Russell's Principia Mathematica.[3] The immediately obvious link is to Russell's Principles of Mechanics, but, as the 1930-31 work of Kurt Gödel attests,[4] the deeper epistemological implications of Russell's influence are revealed in the inherent failure of Russell's principal, underlying argument in the latter of the two works.

For our purposes here, the immediately relevant monetarist dogmas derived from Russell's radical thesis respecting scientific method generally, are chiefly associated, today, with the stream of ideology traced to today from Russell devotee John von Neumann's notion of a theory of economic games. Following that work by von Neumann and his associates, the development of the school of monetarism with which the present Nobel trio has been associated, has been the intrinsically, wildly pro-Malthusian cult of what is known in relevant professional circles as Cambridge systems analysis, as that cult is typified by the Cambridge disciples assembled around the former Soviet and other following of the Laxenberg, Austria International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA).

In the post-World War II U.S.A., this international school of Russellite "econometrics" coordinated by the Cambridge systems- analysis group, came to be represented inside U.S. academic stirrings by such U.S. followers of Russell and von Neumann as the Cowles Foundation circles of George Dantzig, Tjalling Koopmans, Albert Tucker, George Marshak, and Kenneth Arrow, as much as the more prominent work of von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern.[5] Inside the U.S.A. itself, this network of Russell devotees such as Norbert Wiener and von Neumann, was coordinated, most notably, through the Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation and the offshoots of that Foundation's Cybernetics-project at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's RLE. Inside the Soviet Union, one branch of this influence was represented by collaboration with L.V. Kantorovich and, later, the Global Systems Analysis group associated with the Austria-based branch of the Cambridge Systems Analysis group's ideological captive IIASA, the latter a Club of Rome-allied group whose influence contributed in a major way to the Soviet Union's 1989-1992 collapse.[6]

These presently global Russell/Russellite connections are key for understanding the particular form of dementia in method encountered in the school of the three current Nobel economics prize-winners and their like.

Unfortunately, as I have already emphasized here, the current Nobel trio's celebrity is not merely an academic matter. This current, scandalous Nobel award is all too relevant to the kind of policy-shaping which had already plunged the present world monetary-financial system into its presently onrushing, terminal phase of self-disintegration. (The real world, outside monetary dogmas, could survive this, provided we now immediately dump the present, Liberal monetarist—"free trade" system itself.) Without the widespread toleration for the specific type of clinical insanity echoed by the current award, the onrushing general collapse of the world's present monetary-financial system, would never have been permitted to reach its present breakdown-phase. The world economy today needs the designs of Myron Scholes and of Hurwicz, Maskin, and Myerson, about as much as a sufferer from the common cold needs the curative powers of a heavy dose of cyanide.



1. Geometry & Physical Science
The disorderly minds typified by the listing of exemplary persons and associations which I have just presented above, reflect two pathological features found in, respectively, medieval and modern European political-economy. These are, respectively, the pro-Aristotelean, "old Venetian," medieval tradition, and the modern, Liberal faction of Paolo Sarpi, et al. The latter school, to which the three relevant Nobel cases belong, is the philosophical Liberalism which, while modern, traces its immediate philosophical ancestry, directly to that medieval irrationalist William of Ockham who some moderns quaintly refer to by the seemingly scholarly, Latin name of "Occam."

The dogma presented summarily by that relevant trio, is a radically Sophist expression of a much-degenerated version of modern, "new Venetian," Sarpian philosophical Liberalism, a version traced to the radical extremes of such modernist perversion of taught academic practice as that typified by the radically positivist, and frequently hysterical followers of Ernst Mach.[7]

The earlier, medieval, Aristotelean kind of system, is to be treated, methodologically, as a system based upon an underlying assumption of a society ruled by an axiomatically fixed, deductive form of intent. This fixed intent is typified by the models of both the inherently Sophist dogma of Euclidean geometry, and that related, medieval notion of the Euclidean space adopted by the Roman imperial hoaxster Claudius Ptolemy, which was still standard methodological doctrine during my time of uncomfortable exposure to such miserable elements of secondary and higher education. The later, modified form of a modern neo-Euclidean system of René Descartes et al., is premised upon the assumption of a Sophist's quality of variable intent which is otherwise identified as political-philosophical "Liberalism."

Competent modern science, as established by Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa and his followers, adopts neither of these two ideological alternatives. As Albert Einstein and V.I. Vernadsky have emphasized the leading outcome of Twentieth-Century physical science more recently, today's competent modern science is "organically" Riemannian, and is rooted in the principled form of the actual development of the body of experimental physical science, from Cusa, through the work of Johannes Kepler, through Riemann.[8]



Physical Geometry
In treating cases such as the trio of Hurwicz, Maskin, and Myerson, we must take into account the ideological effect of a certain, historically crucial break between present and ancient forms of knowledge in the fields of physical science. I refer here to a "dark age"-like break, an ideological gap in the history of science, between the period of ancient scientific progress dominated by the method of the Pythagoreans and the Platonic Academy, and the reappearance of science during modern Europe's Fifteenth-Century Renaissance, onwards. This break, associated with the interval of the rise, since about 200 B.C., of the empires of Rome, Byzantium, and the Venetian-Crusader medieval system, created a functional gap in what might have been, otherwise, the continuity of ancient through contemporary European science.

Thus, we find very modern comprehension of science in the elements of the work of the Pythagoreans and Plato's other circles; but, we also meet commonplace aspects of customary modern science instruction which are cruder than the thinking of the best among the Classical ancients.

On the subject of the crucial issue so posed as an included effect of that gap, there is the particular case posed immediately by the referenced trio of Nobel supplicants; the key question to be asked on that account here, may be fairly stated as: "What do we mean by geometry?" We are obliged to skip directly, away from the implied mechanistic outlook of Euclidean geometry, to the dynamics of the ancient Pythagoreans, Plato, and of Bernhard Riemann's habilitation dissertation, in order to return to the relatively far more advanced, pre-Euclidean standpoint represented by the circles of the Pythagoreans and Plato.

The related gap, on which our attention as modern economists must be concentrated here, is the historical gap between the time of the role of ancient dynamics in the physical-scientific method of the Pythagoreans and Plato, and the modern re-appearance of science in the work of our modern Cusa, Kepler, Leibniz, and Riemann,[9] and away from the simplistically reductionist, pathetic crudities of ancient radical reductionism echoed by that degenerate, radically positivist outgrowth of the Cartesian method of mechanics echoed by the three Nobel award-winners in the case presently at hand.

Look at somewhat parallel cases of net progress in science, that of the ancient Pythagoreans and the Platonic Academy, and the modern experimental science launched under the direction of Cusa. View this from the standpoint of geometry seen as a subject which should be considered a subsidiary feature of a notion of physical astronomy, as distinct from mere star-gazing. Look at physical astronomy from the standpoint of its role in ocean-going astrogation, as Eratosthenes' famous measurement of the great circle of the Earth reflects the methods of astrogation. Think back to a time prior to the great glacial melt during about 17,000 to 2,000 B.C., an interval when ocean-going maritime cultures migrating in relatively large flotillas, preceded the gradual emergence of a land-based civilization within the northern regions of Eurasia and North America, as within the then crucially significant maritime cultures of the Indian Ocean, such as that which founded the non-Semitic, Sumerian, cuneiform culture of southern Iraq.

Relevant forms of traces of ancient "star maps" of our Zodiac, locate calendars based upon the span of multi-millennial cycles, producing thus those observed changes in the configuration of the heavenly bodies which must have been comprehended for ancient and later modes of trans-oceanic navigation. Applying the methods of astrogation used by navies as recently as prior to some decades ago, we can rather readily adduce the kind of long-ranging maritime practices which produced the relevant ancient calendars. The task, then, is to see the Solar system as Johannes Kepler presents it: not as a simply spherical system of perpetual motion, but a developing process, a process in which ordered development is governed by what modern science, since Kepler, knows as invisible, but efficient, universal, anti-entropic physical principles.

It is the evidence, such as that emphasized by Kepler, that universal principles of astrophysics forcefully violate what might be otherwise presumed to be a simply spherical geometry, which supplies us the keys to beginning the discovery of our universe's actual, efficient forms of universal physical principles. Thus, we are obliged, as the ancient Pythagoreans had been, to shift from simple astronomy, to physical astronomy, to shift attention to effects which must be attributed to the action of universal physical principles upon the system of motions to be observed in the universe which envelopes us. We proceed thus, from Kepler's emphasis on the needed development of the physics of elliptical functions, into the still higher, anti-entropic, physical hypergeometries of Riemannian physics.

Millennia prior to the uniquely original discoveries by Kepler and his students, cultures such as the Pythagoreans had, thus, already brought astrogation "down to Earth" in the form of a scientific practice known as Sphaerics. The principles of Sphaerics, as contrasted with the Sophist hoaxes associated with Euclid, are an extensive subject for study in themselves; for the purposes of this criticism of the referenced Nobel hoax, it is sufficient to emphasize such examples as both the celebrated, scientifically crucial, constructive doubling of the cube by Plato's friend Archytas, and the underlying implications of the mastery of the design of the Platonic solids by Theaetetus. In fact, the crucial ironies posed to the future by the Classical Greeks' work on this matter, were not understood systematically in modern European practice until the unique discoveries by Cusa, Kepler, et al.

The relevant point to be emphasized in this location, is that geometry does not pertain primarily to measurement of the Earth, but to measurements of the universe within which we are contained, which we experience as situating, and controlling the fate of our planet Earth. The birth of a true modern science begins with the recognition that that universe is not simply a repeating process, but is an expression of an open-ended, specifically anti-entropic quality of universal process of development of the universe from relatively simpler, to more complex, higher-ordered processes.

In other words, we have thus entered the domain of astrophysics, which means the domain of mankind's voluntary role, as specified in Genesis 1, in influencing the unavoidably continuing, qualitative development of (not merely our Solar System, but) the universe we inhabit. Johannes Kepler's two, unique, closely interrelated, principal discoveries, of the physical principle of universal gravitation and its harmonic ordering of our Solar system, thus typify the modern meaning of physical geometry as the other, higher-ranking name for a modern, Riemannian mode in physical science.

Thus, all competent science, including a science of mankind's increase of, or failure to increase his potential relative population-density, must be premised on a special notion of astrophysics (a less misleading name than "geometry"): a physical geometry adumbrated by the principles of ordered changes in the organization and related behavior of our universe. Competent economics must be defined, therefore, as the principles of either ordered increase, or failure to increase the power of the human individual will to make changes which improve the universe we inhabit for the benefit of mankind, that to the effect assigned to man and woman in Genesis 1.

It is directly relevant to the pathetic case of the Nobel award treated here, to emphasize that the systematic foundations of modern physical science were established by Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa's recognition, that Archimedes' proposed quadrature of the circle and parabola was incompetent, that on grounds of physical principle. This was a fundamental discovery of principle, by Cusa, which was to become crucial for Kepler's later, uniquely original discovery of the universal physical principle of gravitation. Here, formal geometry per se must be abandoned, to be replaced entirely by a hypergeometry of universal physical principles, as with Kepler's uniquely original discovery of the physical principle of universal gravitation.

This was crucial, as Kepler was to emphasize, in locating physical science within the domain of a general theory of elliptical functions, the same crucial evidence which prompted Kepler to enlist "future mathematicians" in the crafting of a universal calculus which would be accomplished, uniquely, by Gottfried Leibniz.[10]

In that sense, there is no science but physical geometry so conceived, on the condition that we define geometry itself rightly, as Leibniz did so, as physical geometry, that in contrast to the subsequent perversions by D'Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, and Cauchy. Here, in terms of such a view of a physical geometry, a dynamical, rather than mechanical geometry, lies the crucial proof of the essential incompetence of the subject Nobel award.

So, implicitly, the very choice of language, the subject trio's "mechanism design theory," essentially, gives the folly of their show, and Henry Paulson's, away.



2. Dynamics: Man in Our Universe
The key to competent economic science can be reduced rightly to the simple statement: The human individual is not an animal.

Conceded: the human individual has been awarded an animalistic body; nonetheless, there is a fundamental difference, a difference of fundamental principle, between the role of man in nature and that of any merely animal species. Formally, the difference may be measured as an ecological paradox, which may be summarized as follows.

All forms of life are subject, as a set of species, to dynamical regulation of a potential relative population-density, per capita, and per square kilometer of surface-area. This is a potential which is built into the set of interacting species, dynamically, in the sense of Leibniz's Specimen Dynamicum. Only man, as Genesis 1 states, is capable of willfully changing that functional characteristic of his own, and also other species in principle. Man does not act as another animal within the set of animal life; man is distinguished from the set of the beasts by those of his actions, as from a higher plane—a higher order of universal physical phase-space, which, typically, transforms the ecological potential among the set of the affected animals.[11]

Thus, we may say, that the human individual soul is implicitly, efficiently immortal, and, in this degree, is ultimately become independent of the animal-like body it had once, temporarily, inhabited: the effects of changes introduced to the principled form of human practice, changes which may be supplied to society by the willful action of a single, sovereign human individual, are able to continue to supply an efficient increase in the relative potential population-density of the human species for generations to come, for a time far beyond the mortal death of that individual human body which had conveyed the relevant principle of development into action. The advantage to mankind of the discovery and propagation of a known, valid universal physical principle, is an example of this.

This willful distinction of the human individual mind from that of the beast, defines a distinction of human nature, as a universal phase-space, as precise as that which, comparably, separates living organisms in general, dynamically, from non-living processes.[12] The notion of the existence of such a distinction between living and non-living processes, is presented to us, in functional terms of reference, by the example of Kepler's uniquely original discovery of universal gravitation. Similarly, mankind's ability to escape those bounds of a relatively fixed potential relative population-density, which are relevant for a lower form of life, represents the existence of a universal physical principle, a characteristic of the nature of the human individual, which does not appear in any lower form of life. From the comparative standpoint of animal ecology, mankind embodies, thus, a characteristic, noëtic principle absent in all lower forms of life. This principle is the only true expression of specifically human creativity. It is a principle excluded from modern Liberal styles (such as empiricism and positivism) in contemporary classrooms. It is this noëtic principle in human cognitive behavior, which enabled Kepler to recognize the dynamic principle ordering the planetary orbits, and to adduce a general principle of Solar gravitation from the evidence of the harmonics of the complex of planetary orbits. This same noëtic principle, as a characteristic of those creative potentials of the individual human mind which separate the human species from the mere beasts, is also the underlying principle of the Leibniz calculus. That principle, as prescribed, together with the development of the general principles of elliptical functions, as proposed by Kepler, underlies the Leibniz-Bernouilli definition of the catenary-cued, universal physical principle of least action.[13]

The effect of the active presence of that distinguishing principle of individual human existence, is normally expressed as an increase in the relative population density, of the human species per capita and per square kilometer. This is also expressed, as by Vernadsky, in terms of shifts in the relative composition of the component masses of the planet, in terms of the shifting percentiles of the total mass of our planet associated, respectively, with the inanimate element, with the Biosphere, and with the Noösphere: such that, under successful condition of practice, the Biosphere increases, cumulatively, as a percentile of the total mass of the planet, and that the Noösphere normally increases in mass, and rate of increase of mass, relative to the Biosphere.

The changes in ratios among the three, pertain to the expansion of the boundaries of effective action of each of the three (respectively non-living, living, and cognitive) domains. As society extends the reach of its effective such action into the micro-sphere and the macro-sphere, man's efficiency of existence is increased per capita and per square kilometer of the Earth's surface.[14] Measurements of such phenomena of changed relative powers among domains, can not be measured in mechanical (e.g., Cartesian) terms; they must be measured in terms of dynamics, as Leibniz defined dynamics, relative to Cartesian folly.[15] The thesis of the three beneficiaries of the referenced Nobel prize, is, therefore, intrinsically folly on that account alone. However, that is only the relatively superficial aspect of the trio's incompetence.



The ABCs of Bio-Dynamics
All who are versed in the modern profession of animal ecology, are familiar with the problem of temporary increases in relative potential population-density of an animal, or other non-human living species. (For example: an increase in the population of rabbits above the relevant "average" ecological potential, may appear to benefit families of hungry foxes, as also extroverted house-cats, in the short run; but, that sets countervailing effects into motion, such that, in the end, the gains of both species prove to be no better than temporary.)

Animal ecologists are also familiar with shifts in climate and other so-called "natural conditions" in the "environment," changes in conditions which alter the potential level of stability of an eco-system. Thus, the term "relative potential population-density" is a well- established notion among competent naturalists generally, and of relevant biologists otherwise. With the introduction of the subject of the behavior of the human species to that investigation, the meaning of "ecology," and of the associated notion of "potential relative population-density," must be radically changed: human "ecology" is not a branch of "animal ecology." Only incompetents would discuss matters of human ecology in the same terms used for discussion of animal ecologies.

The increase of populations (e.g., "potential relative population-density") of human societies, presents us with a phenomenon which is not met within the animal kingdom. Man is not an animal; the distinction of human "ecology" from all animal ecology, is comparable to the distinction between the chemistries of non-living versus both the living processes and the by-products specific to living processes.

These distinguishing bio-chemical changes in the "ecology" of the human species, have been the special province of Russia's V.I. Vernadsky and his associates. The concept of the "Noösphere" is a result.

As far as I know to date, the effective treatment of this distinction of human "potential relative population-densities" from animal varieties, has been among my unique contributions to the science of physical economy and of successful long-range economic forecasting generally.

The functional relations between ordinary non-life and life, on the one side, and mankind on the other, can not be treated as the members of the Nobel trio do, are not representable in mechanical terms, such as those of a Cartesian system. Here lies the crucial evidence of the essential absurdity of the very proposition which the Nobel committee reported on this matter. In all competent science, it is the relationships among principles, rather than among discrete objects pummeling one another in empty algebraic space, which determines the characteristic behavior of the relevant systems.

The commonplace problem, as in the case of summary argument presented by Hurwicz et al., is that the usual way in which mathematics is taught and learned, relies on mathematical formulations which describe the relevant events in a mechanical-mathematical way. On this account, modern taught mathematics practice commonly falls way below the intellectual standards of the ancient Pythagoreans and Platonists; reductionist methods, such as those of Sarpian empiricism, degrade mathematical arguments into a superficial describing of nature, rather than insight into the fact that what appear to the experimentalist as mechanical-like interactions, are actual reflections of the interaction of the principles representing two or more distinct systems.

For example: in the case of interaction of living species, man's essential form of functional (e.g., ecological) relationship to the beasts is not individual man to beast, but the interaction of the distinguishing, noëtic principle of mankind with the non-noëtic characteristics of lower forms of life. How does man, for example, induce qualitatively changes in the systemic ecological potential among the beasts?

Comparably, when society introduces the application of a newly employed discovery of a universal physical principle to even a portion of a nation, or of human society as a whole, this principle, itself, transforms the social-economic relations within society as a whole in a way which then becomes characteristic of that society as a whole. So, the adoption of the policy that nuclear power's application shall be the dominant technology in society, imbues all parts of that society, whether they use nuclear technologies locally, or not, with the characteristics of a system of society which depends for its existence, and the characteristics of its existence, on the implications of applied nuclear fission.

That, briefly, is a elementary sort of illustration of the meaning of dynamics, rather than mechanics, in defining the characteristics of those human ecological processes we know as economies. That is the essential difference between a competent science, such as that of Leibnizian dynamics, and the intrinsic incompetence of the reductionist Descartes and his followers, such as the three Nobel prize-winners. Such is the incompetence of the mechanistic method underlying the failures inherent in linear programming, for example.[16]

Another way of representing the same kind of distinction, is to say that all linear programming is intrinsically incompetent as a means for defining the effects of technological change, or lack of change, on an economy. All competent representation of social-economic processes is intrinsically a matter of the Riemannian hypergeometries required to describe an actually dynamic universal system.

Dynamics appears in the study of economic processes as a matter of hypergeometries. It is the introduction of the changes generated by use of a discovered, new universal physical principle, or revival of an abandoned such principle, which transforms all of the "set" of relations within the unified processes to such effects as a qualitative upshift in net potential relative population-density of an entire society, as by so singular a change as the introduction of general use of nuclear-fission technology to supersede modes of a qualitatively inferior "energy-flux density."

It is not the number of calories supplied which determines productivity, but the relative energy-flux density of the mode of power supplied. The use of raw "solar power" for raw power will degrade, and, thus, ultimately, destroy a culture; whereas, the use of "solar radiation" for production of food and forests, will lower the mean temperature relatively, while increasing the relative potential population-density of that society as a whole. So, the primary moral use of hydroelectric systems is not to be seen as a general source of power, but functions of water management which increase the conversion of Solar radiation into water for life, and also produce some useful power as a by-product of this arrangement.

The essence of the matter, is that mankind's specifically human noëtic powers, as identified by the generation of discovery of valid universal principles, is the essential principle of action (of both ancient Greek and modern dynamics) which expresses the functional relationship between mankind (i.e., society) and lower forms of life, and also non-life. It is dynamics, so defined—Riemannian dynamics, as identified by Vernadsky and Einstein respectively (instead of any mechanical design), which pre-determines successful actual evolution within national and world economies.



The Fallacy of Sense-Perception
In my "Music & Statecraft,"[17] I emphasized the point, that human knowledge of the real universe outside our skins, is not imparted to us as literal readings of sense-perceptions as such. Rather, as I employed the case of Helen Keller to illustrate the point in that location, our knowledge of the universe is not imparted to us in the form of simple sense-perceptions. Our actual knowledge of the universe, "as if outside our skins," is the work of the specifically creative powers of human mind itself, a mind which treats all sense-perceptions in the fashion we should regard the "information" supplied to us by laboratory instruments. The most important of these ironical facts, is the case of knowledge, such as Kepler's discovery of the harmonic organization of the Solar system, which depends on the mind's "decoding" of the ironies of (for example) sight and hearing. Our use of instruments to enable us to probe domains into which unaided sense-perception may not reach, into the sub-atomic small and astrophysical domain of action on a vast scale over enormous lapses of time, underscores the point made by Riemann in the concluding§3 of his 1854 habilitation piece.

It is not sense-perception as such which provides us knowledge of the real universe in which we live; it is the power of the human mind to provide the human individual with a reading of the instruments called our "senses," to an effect produced, not by mere sense-phenomena, but by those powers of the human mind which do not exist among the lower forms of life.

For example:

Until Twentieth-Century developments, specifically Vernadsky's and Einstein's adoption of Riemannian physical geometry, we were accustomed, at best approximation, to think of a universe representing a single quality of space. Einstein brought us to think of physical space as a gravitational model of a finitely self-bounded, Riemannian physical space-time. Vernadsky proved that our presently known universe is composed of three, interlocking phase-spaces: non-living, living, and cognitively noëtic.

We dare not, now, presume that that is the limit of such discoveries of complexities of our universe. However, we may be certain, that within those bounds, the way of thinking about the universe which we have obtained with the help of Vernadsky and Einstein, is functionally correct for all ordinary purposes of practice today, at least relatively the best available to us presently.

For our purposes in this report, it is sufficient to emphasize that the three physical phase-spaces of Vernadsky are what we should understand here as interacting. That is, that the universal principle of life as such, including chemical materials produced by action of life, acts, in turn, on both the non-living domain, as it acts also on the intellectual-noëtic domain, and as the applied discoveries of noëtic scientific practice act upon both the Biosphere and the more primitive domain.

In effect, each such quality of physical space-time acts to shape the conditions of action within the other two, just as human cultural activity shapes the existence of living species according to the broad implications of Leibniz's 1695 Specimen Dynamicum and his and Bernouilli's universal principle of physical least-action.

The almost most notable fact in this latter array, is the evidence that the noëtic powers of the human individual are superior historically to both the Biosphere and the non-living domain. The actually most notable fact, is that the entire system is implicitly subsumed by the specific noëtic powers of the individual creative mind's discovery of principles and their use (the Noösphere). Man is thus to be seen as made in the likeness of the Creator, including the matter of the power of the will to create.

That principled potential of this unique quality of action of the mind of the human individual, is the fundamental principle underlying all competent practice of economics as a physical science. Whereas, the subject Nobel trio dwells in a kind of childish fantasy associated with the board-game called "Monopoly."

We must learn to employ the notion of human ecology, as qualitatively distinct from animal ecology, with those considerations in view.

It should be clear from what I have reported thus far, that we must not take the popular, naïve view of universal space-time literally. The relevant LaRouche Youth Movement (LYM) teams spent a good deal of effort in producing a rigorous showing of the way in which modern European civilization arrived at Johannes Kepler's insight into the functional (dynamical) composition of the Solar System.[18] In due course, the student must give up the desire to simply see the organization of the Solar system as by "looking over the fence." Our sensing of the functional organization of the Solar System itself, must ultimately surrender to the reality that the universe is, as Einstein insisted, functionally self-bounded in a way which defines it functionally as "finite" in the sense of the usages of Kepler, Riemann, Einstein, and Vernadsky. All notions of a universe extended into the Euclidean and related form of delusion called mathematical "infinity," must be abandoned; the universe is known to sane and competent minds as a dynamic system in the Riemannian sense adopted by Vernadsky and Einstein, and in no other way.



3. The Matter of Liberalism
In the next, and final chapter I shall focus attention on the actual role of money and pricing required for a healthy, non-mechanistic form of design for a rebuilt U.S. (and international) economy. The objective shall be, as it had been Franklin Roosevelt's intention for the post-war world, a world system composed of cooperation among respectively sovereign nation-states. In that chapter, I shall summarize the physical principles to be adopted as the alternative to the deadly lunacy of the scheme outlined by the referenced three Nobel prize recipients.

As preparation for that concluding argument, we focus now on the issue of the global heritage implicit in the role and intention of President Franklin Roosevelt.

To understand the roots of the folly of the subject Nobel award, I must once again, as in earlier publications, turn your attention to the relevant issues posed by the founding of what was to become known as those modern doctrines of political-economy associated with Anglo-Dutch Liberalism. In the foregoing sections of this report, I have already emphasized the role of the notion called dynamics in defining the anti-Liberal, scientific policies of practice on which the singular achievements of the U.S. republic and its economy have depended—whenever we chose to return to them, as we must do so now. Our currently monstrous economic folly as a nation, begs for a defense of those principles on which our republic's successes have depended, and a rejection of a return to the Anglo-Dutch Liberal principles against whose evils, of such as Adam Smith and the treasonous British East India Company scoundrels among us, against our republic's struggle for freedom was conducted.[19]

The foregoing treatment of the science of economy has brought our discussion, now, nearly to a state of preparedness for treating the subject of money and prices. To prepare for the subsequent introduction of that subject-matter, I refer the reader's attention now to a pedagogical diagram which I have used, more or less regularly, since January 1996, when I introduced it as the thematic feature of my campaign for the U.S. 1998 Democratic Presidential nomination. [[Figure: "Triple Curve" Version # 2]] In that location in the concluding chapter of this report, I shall repeat the updated version which I presented first for my campaign for the Democratic 2000 Presidential nomination. I shall discuss the practical implications of that illustration at a suitable point in the subsequent, concluding chapter of this report.

Now, in this present chapter, I prepare the way for that specific element of the discussion.

As that accompanying diagram illustrates, not only do I seem to have the makings of a celebrated major prophet of our times; the general effect of the radical changes in U.S. economic and financial policies which occurred, and which I denounced during the interval from 1967-68 to 1981, produced what has become a decades-long, net decline in both the real, U.S. physical-economic output per capita and per square kilometer of our territory, with an accompanying upward acceleration in relative prices and financial indebtedness. That physical decadence, and rising financial indebtednesses of our own economy and those of the Americas and of western and central Europe, has been the predominant trend in the world economy at large, since approximately 1968, up to the present point of the general collapse triggered by insanely belligerent strategic U.S. policies toward China, policies which were crucial in unleashing that immediate, currently ongoing great crisis which struck world markets during the month of July 2007 and beyond.

It is probably necessary to state the fact, here, that had our U.S. Government and the Democratic Party leaders heeded my now thoroughly vindicated warnings, even as recently as early 2006, the present global disaster hitting the U.S. and world economies could have been avoided. They did not do so, and the consequences now being suffered by our nation as a whole, are the result.

The diagram shown here, while schematic, contains nothing misleading in respect to what it purports to represent as the general trend being considered here. In this present chapter of the report, we shall supply the needed background for the following chapter's discussion of the matter which that diagram illustrates.

Now, consider a few urgent bits of recent economic history, on background.



The FDR System
Had President Franklin Roosevelt (FDR) not been inaugurated in March 1933, Adolf Hitler and his successors almost certainly would have been coming to rule and ruin the world from that time to the present. The world situation today can be seen as a fair approximation of those pre-Franklin Roosevelt, 1920s developments which had plunged the world into the great Depression of the 1930s. Today, the new monetary system which emerged under FDR, which then made us prosperous and powerful for two decades to come, was a period of increasing, and relatively great prosperity, one which FDR had led in crafting; but, now, over the most recent three decades, that accomplishment has been destroyed by an orgy of "free trade" which has now become far worse than any economic recession already experienced during the 1920s and early 1930s. We are presently at the end of our rope, by which our nation's fate will be surely hung, unless we now, very suddenly, abandon the whisperings of that contemporary "Mr. Scratch," Felix Rohatyn, and his like, that we might now change our ways back in the direction of what FDR had done from 1933 onward.[20]

During the close of the 1920s and first half of the 1930s, the leading "American Tory" circle of Manhattan, descendents of Vice-President Aaron Burr and Liberal President Martin van Buren, as these were merely typified by Brown Brothers, Harriman, were fully committed to support the then-head of the Bank of England, Montagu Norman, in bringing Hitler's system to world power. Franklin Roosevelt's actions in his role as President prevented that evil bankers' plot from succeeding, and even turned many of the former Hitler backers of Manhattan, such as the Harriman interests (including our current U.S. President's grandfather), to becoming supporters of Roosevelt's great global alliance against Hitlerism.

The Manhattan and London financier crowd used the opportunity of President Roosevelt's untimely death, to reverse some of the most crucial of Franklin Roosevelt's anti-Hitler reforms. With the assassination of President John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963, our U.S. was plunged into the waves of folly which have destroyed the structures of prosperity we in the U.S.A. had enjoyed until that time. With the riotous international developments of 1968, the way was cleared for uprooting the great prosperity which the U.S.A., and much of Europe, had enjoyed in the aftermath of FDR's social, physical-economic, and monetary reforms.

Unless we now change back into an FDR direction, and that dramatically, this nation of ours, among others, will not survive much longer, perhaps even not until January 2009. Even worse, if we go down, the world as a whole will go down in the aftermath of our self-destruction.

Such is the seriousness of the implications of the silliness of the crew, both former Vice-President Al Gore and the trio considered here, which has received the recent Nobel awards.



Charlemagne, Cusa & Louis XI
Since the fall of the Roman Empire, there have been three principal revolutionary developments which laid the foundations upon which the founding of our U.S. republic has been premised. The first step toward a modern European economy was expressed as the great system of reforms under France's Charlemagne. Unfortunately, following Charlemagne's death, the Venetian financier oligarchy used sundry devices, including the launching of the series of Crusades, to ruin Charlemagne's reforms as much as possible; nonetheless, like the Cathedral of Chartres and the canal system which Charlemagne designed and launched for Europe, it was revived elements of Charlemagne's program which were employed in the launching of the first modern sovereign nation-state of modern Europe, Louis XI's France, which was the model for Henry VII's reformed England.

However, the principles upon which all of the relative successes of modern European civilization itself have depended, was chiefly the work of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, the founder of the conception of the modern sovereign nation-state (Concordantia Catholica) and modern experimental science (e.g., De Docta Ignorantia). Louis XI's reforms were, like the discoveries of Christopher Columbus which Cusa's writings prescribed, chiefly an immediate reflection of the principled initiatives of Cusa's founding of the conception of the modern, science-based, sovereign nation-state.

The key to modern civilization has been Cusa's revolution, including his launching of modern physical science. Although the formal institution of a modern physical science of dynamics was introduced by Leibniz during 1692-95, the actual revival of the ancient Classical Greek physical science of dynamics (dynamis) was made, earlier, by Cusa, as in De Docta Ignorantia, a work whose content was the basis employed by Kepler for his unique founding of a modern physical science of astronomy.

Initially, the reforms associated with the great ecumenical Council of Florence, in which Cusa contributed a key role, had defined the intended design of a modern form of technologically progressive, sovereign nation-state, such as that of France's Louis XI and, later, Henry VII's and Sir Thomas More's England. However, the spread of the Inquisition, as organized by the Venetian financier oligarchy's infamous Tomás de Torquemada, has divided European civilization since the 1492 expulsion of Jews from Spain, to the present day. The history of European civilization (and beyond) since 1492 has been a see-saw battle between principally two opposing forces within that portion of the Eurasian continent. This has been a conflict between the legacy of Charlemagne and the 1439 great ecumenical Council of Florence, on the one side, and the Renaissance's two, rival adversaries of that Renaissance, the two Venetian oligarchical factions, "antique, traditional (Aristotle)" and old Venice's Liberal (William of Ockham) rival, on the other.

Since the February 1763 Peace of Paris, when the British East India Company was established as an empire-in-fact, to the present date, the principal conflict within all globally extended modern European civilization, has been a struggle of the principles of the constitutional sovereign nation-state, such as that of the U.S.A., against the de facto, global, imperial financier-oligarchical power of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal financier system. Since the 1812-1815 (notably sexual) Congress of Metternich's Vienna, only the American Revolution has been a perpetually menaced, temporarily successful challenge to the supremacy of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal tyranny.

In these pages of modern history since, the victory of President Lincoln's U.S.A., against London's Lord Palmerston, and the legacy of President Franklin Roosevelt, have been notably successful challenges to imperial world domination by the Anglo-Dutch Liberal system. During most of the time since 1789, especially since President Lincoln's victory over Palmerston's treasonous American puppets, the Confederacy, and most notably since the accession of President Franklin Roosevelt, the British empire's challenge has been expressed chiefly by London's efforts to degrade the U.S. republic into a lackey of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal "free trade" system. This was done afresh, in the aftermath of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, with the launching of the ruinous, fraudulently crafted, long U.S. war in Indo-China, a ruinous enterprise which led to the election of the U.S. President and scoundrel Richard M. Nixon, and the systemic wrecking of the U.S. constitutional system and economy over the course of the 1970s and beyond.

To understand the Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, we must understand two things. First, that President Franklin Roosevelt's actions as President reflected his understanding of the patriotic legacy which his ancestor, Isaac Roosevelt, had shared with former U.S. Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton. Second, that all great, principled endeavors, especially those in public affairs, emerge as expressed approximations of the intention which had motivated them.[21] Neither the original U.S. republic, nor Franklin Roosevelt's administration leaped fully formed from the brow of Athena; like a successfully fertilized germ-cell, the development of the germ of the maturing form of the original, principled intention, unfolds in interplay of its development with its environment. The quality of that interplay is never mechanistic, but dynamic. That intention was expressed by the insertion of the crucial statement of principle, "the pursuit of happiness," taken from Gottfried Leibniz's second rebuttal of John Locke, and the recapitulation of that same principle from the Declaration of Independence as the supreme principle of constitutional law expressed as the Preamble ("The General Welfare") of the U.S. Federal Constitution.



On the Matter of War
War was never to be considered as a permanent principle of civilized society. The essence of relevant constitutional law is what is expressed by the 1648 Peace of Westphalia ("the benefit of the other"). War is never justified except as necessary defense of a society struggling to become a representative of the inherent natural, peaceful interest of the person as an immortal being in his or her soul, against the aggression by forces of evil. This means, typically, against those forces which like the Roman, Byzantine, Venetian-Crusader, or British empires, have a consuming, anti-humanistic appetite for tyranny over their intended victims.

Nonetheless, since history shows that almost anyone can be induced to become an enemy, war is never justified by the mere presumption that an enemy exists as a potential adversary. As the Peace of Westphalia, when considered in the context of long religious warfare, illustrates the case, it is insane to overlook that the object of the civilized nation is to make partners, if possible, where adversaries have stood, to win the other to a nobler cause through emphasis on the principle of "benefit to the other."

Human nature is not inherently evil except among people who believe that man is essentially evil. After seeing an aggressive crocodile, we know that, normally, man is essentially good. What we must recognize as evil in human beings is the quality of frankly pro-Satanic depravity of the type which, frankly, current U.S. Vice-President Dick Cheney and his like represent currently. There was never a reason to enter into the long, ruinous war in Indo-China, which became the means by which our republic became unraveled, nor the pro-Satanic policies of Samuel P. Huntington, et al., policies, derived from British imperialist traditions, which sucked the U.S. into the ruinous, pit of warfare in Southwest Asia and beyond.

Our nation's only persisting enemy over the interval since 1689 has been Anglo-Dutch Liberal forms of rapine and imperialism. That remains our republic's chief, and perpetual adversary to the present day, not because the people of the United Kingdom are evil, but because they are themselves the victim of a neo-Venetian, usurious imperialist scheme which has menaced us of the U.S.A. since, especially, that February 1763 Peace of Paris which established Lord Shelburne's imperial British East India Company, whose first and foremost colony was Britain itself.

It is that evil system which the three subject recipients of the current Nobel prize represent, wittingly, or otherwise.



4.The Triple-Curve System
Turn now to the "Triple Curve" model presented in the preceding chapter.

Earlier, I have emphasized the fundamental difference between ecology, as that term can be applied to the domain of living processes below the quality of human behavior (the Biosphere), and the determination of those characteristics of human populations, and of human individuals, which separate human beings absolutely from all lower forms of life. That difference, I have emphasized, lies, functionally, in those creative mental powers specific to human individuals, powers which do not exist among lower forms of life. To restate that in broadly descriptive terms, the difference between man and beast is expressed as the function of the Leibniz differential of his calculus, or, the same thing, what Kepler discovered as the universal principle of gravitation, or what Nicholas of Cusa recognized as the crucial element of incompetence in Archimedes' attempted definition of the generation of the circle by quadrature.

This functional distinction of man from beast, was already known to the ancient Pythagoreans and Plato, although not to Aristotle, and certainly not to either William of Ockham, or Ockham's followers, the modern Liberals (empiricists). It is the form of action on the universe, by sovereign human individuals associated with those elements of practice of the Pythagoreans, Plato, Nicholas of Cusa, Kepler, Fermat, Leibniz, Gauss, and Riemann, but not the Aristoteleans, empiricists, et al., which are expressed in the role of human creativity in shaping the human species' ability to willfully increase its societies' potential relative population-density.

For example: Kepler's demonstration that the actually elliptical Earth orbit could not be generated mathematically by the method of quadrature used by Archimedes, defined the basis for the discovery of the principle of gravitation, as the higher-order, harmonic "anomalies" among the Solar system's orbits defined the general principal of gravitation. This set of discoveries by Kepler was the basis for Kepler's assigning the discovery of the Leibniz calculus to "future mathematicians," and, also, the discovery of higher order of considerations associated with the general role of elliptical functions in physical science (as distinct from the domain of naive textbook geometry).

In brief, then, the characteristic form of action which distinguishes the principle of population for the human species from the ecological models for lower forms of life, lies in mental actions of a type typified by the legacy of the"infinitesimal" principle of action from Kepler's astronomy, as embodied in the work of such successors as Fermat, Leibniz, Bernouilli, Gauss, Abel, Dirichlet, and Riemann.

The complementary expression of this is found, despite the New York Times style book, in the specifically ironical role performed by the comma of Pythagoras and of traditional, literate forms of classical literary composition typical of European Classical poetry, prose, and musical composition during the Sixteenth through Eighteenth centuries, as suggested implicitly by William Empson's Seven Types of Ambiguity.[22]

The role of increase of physically definable productivity specific to the sovereign individual human mind, represents the principle of action which not only defines the difference between the self-development of the human species and that of the inferior species of the entire animal kingdom, but is the entire basis for a rational study of the efficient physical principles of real-life economies.

Therefore, the essential characteristic of all competent attempts at a science of economy, is the need to define the observable elements of the social economic process (e.g., the economic system) in terms which reflect the active role of a form of human individual creativity which coincides with the function of the so-called "physical infinitesimal" of Kepler, Leibniz, Riemann, et al. in generating willful increase of the potential relative population-density within, or among societies.

Unfortunately, in the radically positivist econometric systems popular in universities and so forth today, there is no longer any effective comprehension of this crucial fact. The use of such currently popular, taught and practiced mathematical schemes as those latter, to define a "more perfect" approximation of a radically "free trade" monetarist design of a monetarist's system, precludes, axiomatically, precisely those regulatory provisions on which the success of President Franklin Roosevelt's revival of the constitutional American System's general welfare principle depended.

Read the Preamble of the U.S. Federal Constitution. Read it to the following effect.



The Science in U.S. Constitutional Law
This brings our attention to the fundamental difference between U.S. constitutional law, and the law of all present legal and governmental systems of western and central Europe, in particular. European systems, especially all parliamentary forms of government, are intrinsically morally inferior to the U.S. constitutional system. The most flagrant expression of the relative moral and functional depravity pervasive among European systems, is met in the adoption of so-called "free trade" policies, under which governments are instructed to abstain from interfering with the free, self-regulated conduct of the European monetary systems.

Ironically, much European constitutional and other law, does echo the moral principle of the "common good," the moral principle of the Apostle Paul's I Corinthians 13; but other provisions of law and custom thwart this principle in moments of relevant crisis. This characteristic corruption of customary European parliamentary government, is rooted in the matter of the so-called "independence" of the monetary system's central banking systems from government direction. The same parliamentary form of corruption is familiar to us in the U.S.A., and that with increasingly disastrous results, since the inauguration of U.S. President Richard Nixon.

This pervasive, monetarist form of moral corruption within the current systems of western and central Europe, is an echo of the very reason many European settlers moved to North America. The principles which they brought to North America, as in the case of the pre-1688 Massachusetts Bay Colony, were European; but, in Europe itself, that morality was systemically frustrated by the presence of the oligarchical traditions left over from feudalism and empires of the past.

The essence of the U.S. constitutional system, on this particular account, is reflected as constitutional law in the U.S. Declaration of Independence, as Leibniz's "the pursuit of happiness." The same principle is reformulated as the Preamble of the U.S. Federal Constitution. Under our patriotic law, there are two considerations which are absent from western and central European law and related practice today: first, that no currency or its like can be uttered except by the Federal Executive with the prior consent of the U.S. House of Representatives; second, that our constitutional principle of banking and credit defines the U.S. financial system as a credit system, rather than a monetary system. In other words, U.S. constitutional tradition rejects the notion that the state must be constrained by the monetary system, a role of monetary systems which our patriots have denounced and rejected as the evil practice of usury; and demands that all monetary systems be regulated by sovereign government.

Under the U.S. constitutional system, we require protectionist measures of regulation of credit and the currency system, which, through means such as differential rates of taxation and other means of regulation, we create what has been called at times a "fair trade," rather than "free trade" system.

The foregoing explanation delivered up to this point, the challenge to our government is to create a system of regulation in which the weighted adjustment of credit, taxation, and price reflected in the system of circulation of credit and currency, and of crafted schemes for taxation, such that the behavior of money and prices circulation within our economy, and abroad, efficiently reflects those policy objectives implicit in the Preamble of our Federal Constitution.

That much said on background, we are now prepared to examine the implications of the "Triple Curve."



The Function of the Triple Curve
This diagram (see page __) is composed of three elements in physical-space. Only one among these three elements is real; in this case, it is the downward curve which represents significant forms of net physical output measured per capita and per square-kilometer. The other two curves are, respectively, volume of money in circulation (per capita), as compared with what is accounted as financial output/input per-capita. In a healthy economic process, the rate of physical output per capita and per square kilometer is rising, both in absolute terms, and relative to monetary value of product produced and consumed.

When these ratios are re-stated in terms of the categories (for the whole economy) of "inorganic," "Biosphere," and "Noösphere," rather than raw gross amounts, the source of the increase in net output is to be regarded from the standpoint of the Noösphere as, directly or implicitly, the fruit of both scientific-technological progress, both per capita and per square kilometer. In other words, an increase of productivity per capita and per square kilometer. This also represents, implicitly, an increase of effective capital-intensity, both per capita and per square kilometer.

These patterns are to be adjusted for what are clearly effects of price-inflation. It is urgent, that we eliminate any consideration of so-called marginal utility. Focus is upon two leading factors: physical productivity per capita and per square kilometer, as adjusted for gross financial expenditure, and, for reasons I explain below, scientific/Classical literacy.

The process of gains, in the case there were marginal net gains in physical output per-capita and per- square-kilometer (as for the U.S. over the intervals, respectively, 1939-1964 and 1945-1964) when costs were adjusted for depreciation of capital improvements. Things became worse with the progress of the U.S. war in Indo-China, especially since about 1966; a new loss in physical-capital replenishment was evident from about 1966-1967 onwards. From about 1968-1970, the trend was increasing "auto-cannibalistic," especially as the post-industrial trend took over trend-setting.

All measurements are rightly reduced to the terms of physical productivity per capita and per square kilometer. We must take into account the relationship of raw increases in capital-intensity per capita and per square kilometer, to changes in physical productivity. We must also take into account what is fairly described as the "Classical culture" factor, as literacy in Classical modes of expression typify this as a cultural factor in promoting net productivity.

What underlies the function of improvements in scientific-technological progress (per capita and per square-kilometer) is, first, pure physical science, and, second, the factor of increase of Classical literacy.



Leibniz's 'Comma'
Return the focus of our attention to the matter of intention, as identified in the preceding chapter of this report. When the term intention is used as I summarize the case here, intention has precisely the same connotations as universal physical principle in the work of Nicholas of Cusa, Kepler, and Leibniz, and in Bernhard Riemann's freeing of modern science from the claws of modern, neo-Cartesian expressions of empiricism and positivism.

The crucial notion intention referenced by me here, is to be compared with the theological notion of the Creator's personal intention, as ths matter was addressed in the celebrated manner th subject was treated by Philo of Alexandria, in his denunciation of the Aristotelean theologians of his time.

The argument by Philo's neo-Aristotelean opponents, was, that if we wish to assert that the Creator's work was prefect, then it must be a finished Creation, without any margin for improvement. Hence, the literal reading of the neo-Aristolean theology was that God, by creating the universe as perfect, had prevented Himself from any further willful form of intervention in its affairs, thus leaving the capacity to make further interventions to the whims of, perhaps, Satan, or, on some occasions either Vice-President Dick Cheney or the surrogate would-be god whom refers to himself, blasphemously, as "the decider."

Admittedly, that curious argument was, in a manner of speaking, purely Aristotelean. However, it should be readily seen
THE WIZARDS OF MONEY Part 1: "HOW MONEY IS CREATED "
Audio Version
http://www.altruists.org/static/files/wi...reated.htm
http://www.bandung2.co.uk/Audio/WOM.htm


TABLE OF CONTENTS
1) Introduction to Wizards of Money
2) Why this Name for the Series?
3) The Birth of the Federal Reserve
4) Misconceptions About Money
5) The Money Creation Process
6) Why Money is Undemocratic
7) The "Zero Sum Game"
8) Ancient Monetary Wisdom


This is your Money and Financial Management Series…but with a twist. My name is Smithy, I’m from the land of Oz.

In response to the growth in business and personal finance shows at most media outlets, including so-called public media, such as NPR and PBS, we bring you this new series on money but "with a twist". In this series we will look beyond the latest DOW and NASDAQ ups and downs, and past the hot stock tips, and see just how peculiar and undemocratic our monetary system really is. The Wizards of Money will take a critical look at the mechanics of the capital and debt markets, who makes the critical decisions that drive them, and how these markets then effect everybody’s lives.

Humans have inherited a monetary system that fueled the industrial revolution, lost its commodity backing during the Vietnam War and now travels by the trillions, over millions of miles in a matter of nano-seconds. Physical currency notes are almost irrelevant having been replaced by a system of bits and bytes accounting in complex networks. While money is just a highly abstract measure and a medium of exchange our lives revolve around it and its disappearance can bring trade to a grinding halt, collapsing whole communities. This ridiculous situation is akin to a carpenter stopping work because he has run out of inches! Or a musician calling it quits because she's run out of decibels!

Today, in part one, we'll examine that most peculiar activity known as "making money"; how money is made and who makes it. We'll explore the mysterious money making process by first exploring the origin, and role of, one of the most secretive bodies in the world, the Federal Reserve System. We will also look at the role of the commercial banking system, and why it is that the money origination process is quite unfair and undemocratic.

In future editions of Wizards we will look further into the workings of the Federal Reserve, and its sole shareholders, the private banking industry. We will also investigate similarly secretive bodies such as the Bank for International Settlements in Switzerland, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, Central Banks in other countries, and most importantly how these institutions interact with the stock markets.

Recent decades have brought with them a growing public awareness of the long-term costs of the short-term profiteering legacy of the industrial revolution. Global Warming, Ozone Depletion, and Acid Rain are now all household names. The current monetary system - the one inherited from this same industrial revolution and the one in which we always "discount the future" - has played a large role in such destruction of the environment. Many are asking the question - Can we design monetary and economic systems that encourage preservation of the environment and sustainable economies?

Along these lines, in later editions of Wizards we'll examine some of the fundamental flaws of contemporary mainstream economic theory, that led to such environmental destruction. Then we'll explore how emerging fields of economics, such as Ecological Economics, are addressing some of these flaws and challenging the underpinnings of traditional theory.

2) WHERE DOES THE TITLE "THE WIZARDS OF MONEY" COME FROM?

The explanation of this will provide a good historical framework for this series, and remind us of a time a hundred years ago when the American citizenry had a much better understanding of their national monetary system and demanded active participation in it.

Today, however, for reasons that can only be speculated on, the majority of world citizens have very little understanding of how the international monetary system works. Yet in this day and age our lives are largely determined by our relationship to, and we are highly dependent on, the international monetary system.

When you live and work amongst something day in, day out, you take it for granted. Just like fish surrounded by water, many people seem to have stopped questioning the foundations of the monetary system and go through life unaware that these foundations may be on very shaky ground. Additionally those of us who work in finance have been "trained" to understand economics and finance in a certain way, often blinding us to new ways of looking at money. Many activists request reform and more economic fairness within the existing monetary system. However there is evidence to support the position that problems of economic inequity are rooted within the monetary system itself.

The name of this series, the "Wizards of Money" is derived from the title of a book written just over 100 years ago, called "The Wonderful Wizard of Oz", by a journalist named L. Frank Baum. Many believe this book to be a social commentary of the times. One of the most contested issues of the era was the monetary system and whether America should stay on the gold standard or move to a bi-metallic standard (meaning gold and silver). Gold would benefit the already rich and powerful financiers of the northeast, who owned most of the gold, such as JP Morgan and others. The bimetallic standard would make money more available to farmers and regular workers and was backed by the Populist movement of the time. The monetary system was such a popular public discussion item that talks on this issue drew crowds of ten of thousands from across the country. Interpreters of the "Wizard of Oz" have suggested the following meanings of characters and places in Oz:

Oz, short for Gold Ounces, is probably short for the Gold Standard.
The Wizardry in Oz may refer to the mysterious money making process itself.
The YELLOW brick road to Oz, is probably the way to the gold standard.
Emerald City is likely another word for WALL STREET, where the wealthy financiers who owned most of the gold were based, and where green glasses (green for money) were worn.
Dorothy’s shoes in the original book were SILVER, not red as in the movie, and likely represented the other component of the bimetallic standard.
The man operating the Wizard possibly represents the financiers behind the presidential candidate at the time who favored the Gold Standard. This candidate was William McKinley.
"Wizards" of Money, as in Oz, is a most appropriate name for those who are responsible for the mysterious money making process today. In this process, as we shall see, money is essentially created "out of thin air". It is only the Wizards who get to practice this art, and they do so in the absence public scrutiny which might ruin the magic.
The other main characters of Oz also have counterparts in US society at that time, that is, at the start of the 20th century. Books such as "The History of Money" by Jack Weatherford (which incidentally received rave reviews from Charles Schwab) cover this interpretation of Oz in more detail. As it turned out, the Populist movement lost, McKinley was elected president and the Gold standard defined the monetary system. But the US still did not have an effective central bank system. At the instigation of financiers like JP Morgan and his right hand men, but most of all from the sheer energy and genius of one Mr. Paul M. Warburg, that was all about to change.

3) THE BIRTH OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE

The birthplace of the Federal Reserve System was not Wall Street or Washington as people might think. The founders wouldn’t dare hold a monetary design meeting in a place where public scrutiny might threaten the handiwork of the first Wizards. Rather the monetary system designers chose to go to a state with a proven track record of loyalty to wealth accumulation as a priority over the rights of the people. This was evident from the state’s long history of slavery, coupled with such a remarkable devotion to gold that it uprooted its indigenous inhabitants and marched them off to Oklahoma at the first smell of gold. What better place to design an undemocratic monetary system based on the gold standard? This state was Georgia, and in 1910, a special Wizard convention took place there on Jekyll Island. Duck-hunting was the excuse given for having to go there. But numerous historical accounts of this event reveal that the duck population remained fully in tact and, instead, the Federal Reserve System was designed. (Examples of this account are in Frank Vanderlip’s Autobiography. Mr Vanderlip attended the secret meeting and was President of National City Bank, which is now known as Citigroup today. Another account was written by Bertie Forbes, in a publication called Current Opinion in 1916. He went on to found Forbes Magazine. Interestingly today the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis also has this same account on its web site, so it is "Official History").

Three years later, during the week before Christmas 1913 when several representatives were already on vacation, the US Congress slid through the Federal Reserve Act, thereby giving birth to the Federal Reserve System. Today, though the gold standard is "no more", we still live with the legacy of that Jekyll Island meeting and some of history’s real monetary wizards, particularly Mr. Warburg. Needless to say, the system they designed had little (well, effectively no) room for public input. It has survived fairly well, with the exception of the 1929 crash and subsequent depression, because the general public trusts it. However, they do so mostly without understanding it. This is a very interesting situation to have in a so-called democracy.

In later editions of the Wizards of Money we will look more closely at the founding of the Federal Reserve System, its governance, and its relationship to congress, to the markets and to the public in general. We will just note here a fact about Federal Reserve ownership that is largely misunderstood by the general public. That is that the Federal Reserve is not a government body. It is 100% owned by the private banking system. While its governors are appointed by the President, their terms are for 14 years and the structure of appointments guarantees they represent the very best interests of the wealthy.

SONG/MUSIC: Mclean

4) SO, How is money created, and what role does the Federal Reserve and its member banks play?
Lets start with some common misconceptions about money, and why they are not true:

Misconception 1: You make money by going to work, or by selling something.

FALSE: Nobody can make money except commercial banks (also called depository institutions) and the Federal Reserve, which is owned by the commercial banking industry. When you get paid for work it is merely a transfer of money that already exists. It was, at some time in the past, created by the banking industry for a purpose for which they saw fit to create (or really lend) money. The main reason people get a job is to get a transfer of money from people who already have some.
When we talk about money here we mean money that can be used in all transactions and in the repayment of all debts. This is what we are calling bank-money. However many non-bank types of so-called "money" raising instruments are increasingly being used by non-bank corporations to avoid direct contact with the bank money creating process. This includes things like corporate bonds and shareholder equity, which expand on the bank money supply, but all are completely dependant on, and rely on the confidence that they can be liquidated for, "bank money". We might call this other stuff "near money". Since, in our society, it is really bank money people seem to need for the basics of life, and these other near monies are luxuries for people that have excess, we will focus just on bank money in this edition of Wizards.

Misconception 2: Money has something to do with gold and Fort Knox.

FALSE: The monetary system USED to be backed by the gold standard until President Nixon abolished the Gold Standard in 1971 during the Vietnam War. He did this because there was not enough gold at Fort Knox, KY to back all the money that needed to be created to fund the massive wartime expenditures. The axing of the gold standard backing the US dollar led to the "floating" of most national currencies, which were no longer pegged to a gold conversion standard.

This lead to phenomenal growth in speculation against international currencies, which later led to massive economic and social crises in various countries that were speculated against. Examples include the Mexican Peso crisis of 1994-95, the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, followed by the Russian ruble crisis. Since the death of the gold standard and the floating of most major currencies we have seen currency speculation increase to an astonishing 98% of all international transactions. This means that "real economic" transactions account for a mere 2% of international transactions, and we truly live in the midst of a global casino. This data on currency speculation is derived from data from by the Bank for International Settlements and summarized in the book "The Future of Money" by Bernard Lietaer, Century Press.

Money supply and debt have exploded in the absence of gold convertibility and it is hard to make sense of what money really means anymore. Money is no longer a store of value. It is only a measure, an electronic accounting system of credits and debits, that has come to be accepted world over as the only way of conducting trade. Each day several trillion dollars travels the globe trying to attract more electronic credits for its owners.

Today's money is not backed by gold. It is now backed by nothing at all, except our trust in the monetary system. This is ultimately a trust in those that create and control money – the commercial banking system, and its major shareholders. The statement on all Federal Reserve Notes "In God we Trust", is perhaps the most telling statement of this trust. For, who would not trust something that appears to be so close to God?

Misconception 3: Money is Created by the Government Printing it.

FALSE: Today almost NO money is created by the government. Most of the total money supply is created by banks making loans to the non-bank public. Almost all money (more than 95% at any time) is created by the creation of a corresponding amount of debt. Currency in circulation is just a very small proportion of the total money supply and it is created by the Federal Reserve System, not the government. In truth, money is actually created "out of thin air" by the commercial banks and their Federal Reserve System.
5) Exactly How Does Money Get Created?

Having gotten some of these misconceptions out of the way lets talk briefly about the actual mechanics of money creation. Money creation happens in two main ways; First the creation of base money, which is mostly physical currency notes, created by the Federal Reserve. The second money creation process involves checking account or deposit money created by the commercial banks, and which makes up most of the money supply.

Base money, also called high powered money, is created when the Federal Reserve performs what are known as Open Market Operations. In this process the Federal Reserve injects money by buying Government Securities, which then become debt owed by the government (that is the American Taxpayer) to the Federal Reserve. And where does the Federal Reserve get this money to buy the government securities? Well, it just makes it up "out of thin air". The Federal Reserve has no budget, quite simply because it doesn’t need one – it invents money whenever it needs it. In fact, almost all money we come by has its basis in high powered money that the Federal Reserve invented at some time in the past. Most of this base money is currency in the form of Federal Reserve Notes. The Federal Reserve then creates a spurious "liability" on its balance sheet called Federal Reserve Notes outstanding, and in return gets an asset in the form of government securities, which the public must repay through the efforts of real work. Every time the Federal Reserve creates or extinguishes base money the financial press and other mainstream media reports it as a Greenspan interest rate announcement. This is not technically correct but it does sound more palatable than saying that the Federal Reserve just made some money up or just made some money disappear.

Once this base money is created, banks can create around 10 times this amount in checking accounts and other deposits. They do this by making loans to the non-bank public. A corresponding amount of checking account money is created for each new loan. So most money is created just by bankers writing some new numbers on a piece of paper, or these days, entering some new bits and bytes in computers, since money is really now just a bunch of computer records. This means that when you go to borrow money to buy a house or car, the money is really being created "out of thin air" by the bank, and being credited to the checking account of the seller.
The bank has a distinct advantage in all this just by being a bank. For if you can’t pay the loan through your hard work, they automatically get the house, and all they did was write some numbers into the computer! From the bank’s perspective however, if you don’t pay off the loan, they would have to write down their asset (i.e. your loan) and this would effect the earnings they report. If lots of people did this the bank could go "belly up". So you can see why they want to keep the house if you don’t pay your loan – they are taking a financial risk too, albeit one created completely out of "thin air".

SONG/MUSIC: 10,000 Maniacs

6) Let's continue the discussion of unfairness in the banking system by exploring the undemocratic nature of it.

Much of the unfairness to the non-bank public of this magical money creating process – creating money out of thin air – really comes about because the general public has no input into decisions about money creation. It is only bank managers and the Open Markets Committee of the Federal Reserve Board that decide how much money gets created, and importantly, FOR WHAT PURPOSES MONEY SHOULD BE CREATED. These decisions are all entirely closed to public input. Decisions on making new money will be based on whether a lender can repay and how much interest the lender can bring in, which is what creates bank profits. This means most money will be created to lend to people that already have lots of previously created money, and lots of advantages in life. Disadvantaged people will often be denied access to the money creating process, except under exploitative circumstances which are likely to see high interest rates and/or ultimate possession of their assets and resources by the bank. Alternatively the more disadvantaged will have to seek money from non-bank entities that have already accumulated lots of money, and this often also leads to exploitation.

What this also means is that money is NOT created for things most desired by society as a whole. In fact it is often created for exactly the things that society does not want at all. This includes projects that involve excessive destruction of natural resources like logging, building power plants, mining, and so forth, because the bank realizes that such projects are likely to bring back the money that will pay off the loans. It is also interesting to note that money is almost NEVER created for the purpose of providing public goods, such as education and healthcare, for such services will not pay the bank back. Rather these services depend on recycled money through the tax system. Hence it is not surprising that we have reached a situation where monetary value and social value are inversely correlated. By this I mean that a good or service with a high monetary value in the private property markets generally has a low social value. Conversely high social value goods and services generally return a low monetary value. This is illustrated in the example where public goods providers such as teachers are some of the lowest paid workers, yet currency trading is perhaps the most lucrative profession there is, and has also become one of the most socially destructive. It is reasonable to expect that this situation would be largely reversed by taking social factors and public input into consideration at the point of money origination.

It is clear that origination of money at commercial banks is undemocratic and so encourages the creation of money (or loans) for many undesirable activities. But often overlooked is the unchecked power of the Fed, the creator of Base Money. One of the best reminders of this power is then Federal Reserve Governor Paul Volcker's hike in interest rates in 1979 that triggered the Latin America debt crisis. This came at tremendous cost to the people of Latin American countries. While the activities of OPEC, the commercial banks and various dictators, played a major role in laying the foundations of this crisis, the final push was decided at one committee meeting conducted behind closed doors. The FOMC meetings have never been open to public input or scrutiny. While summaries of meetings are posted almost immediately, the full transcripts of FOMC are not even available until 5 YEARS after the event!

It's important to be concerned that the money origination process is not subject to democratic accountability. Many of these problems could be remedied if the public had more input into the decisions surrounding the origination of money. This requires an entirely different paradigm for thinking about money than we have today. It is a very complex problem and there are no simple answers. But at the very least it should be high on the list of topics for public debate. In addition, once you understand the process for creating money out of thin air, you begin to see that what banks and the Federal Reserve do is not so difficult after all. Some hope for better money is starting to materialize from the local and alternative monetary systems such as LETS and Ithaca Hours. These will be discussed in later editions of "Wizards".

7) THE ZERO SUM GAME

What is often overlooked about the monetary system, particularly by advocates of the "trickle down" hypothesis, is that it is a ZERO SUM GAME, because our money is entirely debt based. The more of a positive net money balance I have, the more of a negative balance someone else has. I can put my positive balance to work earning more money, while I either sit around and do nothing, or go and work for more money. So the most likely situation for a positive balance person is that their positive balance will keep growing. Also, in the zero sum game, this means that someone else’s balance gets more negative. The negative sum person would be unlikely to get a loan to start their own business, and so would have to go work for someone that already has money. Under current wage structures and interest rates for "high risk" customers it would be difficult for many negative balance people to ever get to a positive balance position no matter how hard they work. They have the added disadvantage that they can’t put a positive balance to work earning more money. Most likely their balances will get more negative, while the people that already have money will get more money to balance out the zero sum game.

With positive money balances always earning a positive return on capital, combined with no requirement for redistribution of wealth, which is implicitly prohibited by neo-liberal policy because it eases such governmental intervention, the results are clear. The rich will keep getting richer and the poor will keep getting poorer, and the more interest bearing debt-money you "invest" in developing nations the worse (not better) the situation gets. Those that believe that the "trickle down" effect will result from investment in poorer (more negative balance) countries and neighborhoods demonstrate a very poor understanding of the monetary system. In fact they believe in something that cannot possibly materialize, and is evidenced by the consequences of investment in developing nations.

This situation is compounded by the fact that the banking system must not fail. What this really means is that the major section of the world banking sector - namely the Western financial institutions - must not fail. This would actually be disastrous for rich and poor alike, as in the great depression. To reduce risk of banking system failure (which ultimately comes from sudden loss of confidence or trust in the system) institutions such as the IMF and World Bank have evolved into mechanisms for preventing banking system collapse. Unfortunately, however, what these mechanisms amount to is transferring the cost that could collapse the banking system outside of the banking system. And these costs end up being borne by those who have the least say in the financial system. This actually distorts free markets where, ideally, investors take personal responsibility for the risks they assume. Those that support so-called free market ideology and think that today's markets are actually consistent with this ideology are seriously misguided. They overlook the biases and distortions built into today's markets, making them very inefficient and highly volatile.

Along these lines, it could be argued that much of the hardships forced upon the people of Indonesia and other Asian countries after the Asian financial crisis were the result of excessive risks taken by Western financial institutions in search of large returns or profits. It turned out that if these institutions were to bear the full costs of the risks they took leading up to the crisis then the whole financial system may have faced collapse. Through the IMF bailouts they effectively passed these otherwise bankrupting costs to parts of society that would not threaten the financial system, because they are not costed in its accounts. This, as usual, meant the poor, workers and Mother Nature, who form the balancing item of the biases built into today's unfree and inefficient markets.

8) ANCIENT MONETARY WISDOM

What is surprising is that this knowledge is ancient wisdom and has been recorded in the primary texts of the world’s major religions. The Old Testament of the Bible speaks of the sin of usury and the concept of Jubilee, the period eradication of all debts. Most likely this is from very similar realizations thousands of years ago.
It is ironic that the Federal Reserve Note bearing the statement "In God we Trust" is the symbol of the system that so blatantly violates the key principles of this ancient wisdom claiming to be God’s word itself.

If money is so abstract and does not store value, nor correlate with social value, couldn't we change it to better satisfy our needs? This is what democratizing money really means - and like all movements to further democracy it will no doubt meet with serious resistance.

SONG/MUSIC: "The Merry Old Land of OZ!" The Wizard of OZ Soundtrack
CAPITALISM SHORT CIRCUITS OUR MORAL HARD WIRING
Gary Olson
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info...e21499.htm

In a recent New Yorker piece, Naomi Klein astutely observes that "The crash on Wall Street should be for Friedmanism what the fall of the Berlin Wall was for authoritarian Communism, an indictment of an ideology." One hopes so. The financial system's collapse in 2008 offers a rare opportunity to question certain underlying assumptions about our state capitalist economy and its neoliberal ideology.

For the last few years I've been writing about neuroscience research which shows that the human brain is hard-wired for empathy, the ability to put oneself in another's shoes. This is the discovery of the mirror neuron system or MNS, a finding some scientists believe rivals what the discovery of DNA meant for biology. The technical details showing how morality is rooted in biology, hardwired into our neural circuits via evolution rather than handed down from on high, lie beyond this article. But our understanding is increasing at an exponential rate and it's compelling. Earlier this year, UCLA neuroscientist Marco Iacoboni's superb book, Mirroring People (NY: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2008, paper) made this important research accessible to the lay public.

However, this is not to underestimate the barriers to the public's appreciation of these findings. At the apex of misunderstanding is the cynical, even despairing doubt about the existence of a moral instinct for empathy. From doctrines of original sin and Ayn Rand to Alan Greenspan and David Brooks, certain intrepretations of human nature have functioned to override empathic responses. In the words of famed primate scientist Frans B.M. de Waal "You need to indoctrinate empathy out of people in order to arrive at extreme capitalist positions."

We know that cultures are set up to reward some people and disadvantage others. Capitalists maintain domination, in part, through subtly but actively creating society's prevailing cultural norms. Antonio Gramsci's writing reminds us that this control is achieved through the mass media, education, religion and popular culture as subordinate classes assimilate certain ideas as "common sense." It isn't that individual deviations don't occur within the interstices of society but generally they don't threaten elite control.

If we assume that the human brain or more specifically, the aforementioned mirror neuron system, is the implicit target of elite propaganda, then the current economic meltdown provides an almost unprecedented opportunity for us.

Perhaps not since the 1930s have our citizens been more skeptical of received wisdom about our socioeconomic system. That is, the carefully manufactured narrative of market capitalist identity and its assumptions about human nature are now thrown into sharp relief.

Not only has economic reality made a shambles of the canonical model of Homo economicus but robust empirical evidence offers promising alternative responses to basic questions about human nature. Parenthetically, other highly regarded cross-cultural studies reveal that the self-interested behavior predicted by the selfishness axiom simply fail to materialize and cooperation is the norm.

Of course there are also predatory and cruel urges within our nature, complete with their own neural correlates and evolutionary origins. But now we know that organizing an alternative to our vicious system of "natural" hyper-individualism will enhance the opportunity for the empathic aspect of our nature to flourish. Social historian Margaret Jacobs captures my optimism with her insight that "No institution is safe if people simply stop believing in the assumptions that justify its existence." Therein lies both our challenge and responsibility.

WEALTH CREATION OR A PONZI SCHEME?

Michael Hudson
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?c...;aid=11480

Last week the Good Lord evidently realized that not enough people had been reading Hyman Minsky’s explanation of how financial cycles end in Ponzi schemes – the stage in which banks keep the boom going by lending their customers the money to pay interest and thus avoid default. So He sent Bernie Madoff to dominate the news for a week and give the mass media an opportunity to familiarize newspaper readers and TV watchers with just how Ponzi Schemes work. What Mr. Madoff did was, in a nutshell, what the economy as a whole has been doing under the moniker “wealth creation.”

If the media were able to wait until as late in the financial collapse as last week to provide helpful diagrams about how Ponzi schemes need to keep on growing exponentially, it is simply because bad foreign financial news is not deemed newsworthy in North America. But Europe has been having its own run-throughs, headed by Spain – which by no coincidence is now experiencing the biggest real estate bust outside of the post-Soviet economies.

The best case study occurred two years ago. On May 9, 2006, Spanish police raided 21 homes and offices of Afinsa Fienes Tangibles SA, the world’s largest postage-stamp dealer, and rival firm, Forum Filatélico. They charged eleven men with running a $6.4 billion pyramid scheme that took in some 343,000 investors – 1 percent of Spain’s entire population, making the fraud one of the largest in Spanish history.[1]

An economy either is in trouble or has lost its sense of balance when investors shy away from tangible capital formation in favor of buying postage stamps and similar collectibles. Unlike machinery and technology, stamps do not produce real goods and services. They have long since been printed and sold by the government, and will never be used actually to mail letters. However, stamps have shown themselves to be a great vehicle to attract savers who think that buying them can produce an exponential earnings growth – or more technically, “capital” gains, if we can stretch economic terminology far enough to call a stamp collection “capital.”

If value resulted merely from scarcity, then postage stamps, coins and master paintings all would seem to increase almost automatically over time, just like most land does. But these trophies of wealth do not promote rising production, consumption or living standards. As stamps do not earn money by employing labor to produce goods and services, their price gains are neither profit nor capital gains as classically understood. They are what economists call a windfall.

The Spanish postage-stamp scheme seems to have taken off in 2003, the year in which Spain’s free-market conservative government deregulated public insurance and oversight for non-financial investment funds. Afinsa Group bought two-thirds control of the New Jersey stamp and coin auction house Greg Manning and merged it with the Spanish auctioneer Auctentia to create Escala as the world’s third largest auction house (after Sotheby’s and Christie’s). Escala moved its operations to New York City and listed its stock on the Nasdaq over-the-counter market. Despite the stock market’s lethargic trend, the company’s earnings showed such rapid growth that in just three years its share price soared from under $5 to $35, tripling in 2005 alone.

Afinsa’s purchases accounted for 70 percent of Escala’s profits, thanks largely to the fact that as its Spanish parent’s sole supplier, Escala marked up its stamps by a reported 1,150 percent, out of all proportion to the usual 25 percent. Afinsa thus was carrying stamps for which it paid 58 million euros on its books at €723 million, over ten times their catalog values – which are fictitiously high in any case, being published mainly for the benefit of stamp dealers to give their customers the idea that they are getting a good buy. But as Forum Filatélico’s chairman, Francisco Briones, explained to a reporter from London’s Financial Times: “It was ‘normal’ to charge clients such inflated prices because of the services provided . . . including the custody and conservation of stamps.”

Afinsa paid its stamp investors an annual rate of 6 to 10 percent interest, beating most competing yields as the global financial bubble was pushing interest rates steadily downward. (Spanish government bonds paid only 3.5 percent.) To build up trust, Afinsa gave its clients post-dated checks for the gains that were promised. It also promised to buy back the stamps it sold, at the original price. This gave an appearance of liquidity to the normally illiquid market in stamps, fine arts and other collectibles, where 25 percent commissions to auction houses are normal. These ploys convinced the majority to simply re-invest the money to buy yet more stamps, which the company held in its offices ostensibly for safekeeping and preservation.

Money poured in, giving stock-market investors in Escala much higher returns than the stamp-buying customers nominally were receiving. As one news report remarked, why buy stamps and coins when you can invest in companies dealing in them?[2] But within a week of the arrests, Escala’s stock plunged below $4 a share.

The denouement came shortly after Lloyd’s of London withdrew from a €1.2 billion policy to insure Afinsa’s stamps. One of its experts noticed that if $6 billion really had been invested, it would have bought up all the investment-grade stamps in the world many times over. The fact that stamp prices did not reflect any such extraordinary buying implied that few bona fide stamp transactions occurred at all, and there had been a massive over-billing.

As matters turned out, most of Afinsa’s stamps had no investment value. This explained why there were no receipts for transactions with Escala. The police found €10 million in €500 banknotes (worth about $650 each at the exchange rate of $1.30 per euro) by breaking open a newly plastered wall at the Madrid home of Afinsa’s main stamp supplier, Francisco Guijarro. What they could not find were any receipts for the stamps that he allegedly bought. And despite the remarkably high markups charged for curating the stamp collection, it was rife with phonies, as Lloyd’s had suspected. Concluding that the bills Senor Guijarro had sent to Afinsa were just a cover for a money laundering operation, the prosecutors charged the family members and officers who controlled Afinsa with embezzlement, money laundering, tax evasion, fraudulent bankruptcy, breach of trust and forgery.

The arrests recalled memories of a more famous U.S. fraud involving postage stamps some 86 years earlier, in 1920, by Charles Ponzi – the man who bequeathed his name to history in the form of Ponzi pyramid scheme. He is reported to have arrived in Boston in 1903 with only $2.50. Not speaking much English, he took menial jobs. Fired as a waiter for shortchanging customers, he moved up to Montreal and became an assistant teller in an Italian immigrant bank. It grew rapidly by paying double the normal 3 percent rate of interest on savings accounts, but failed when its real estate loans began to go bad. The bank’s attempt to give the impression of solvency seems to have given Ponzi the idea of paying interest out of new deposit inflows rather than actual earnings.[3] As long as clients felt they were receiving interest regularly, they tended to be calm about the principal balance.

Ponzi was sent to a Canadian prison for forgery, and then was jailed in Atlanta for trying to smuggle Italian immigrants into the United States. After his release he moved back to Boston and got a job selling business catalogs. A Spanish customer sent him a postal reply coupon, which allowed its holder to buy stamps in foreign countries for return mail rather than using domestic currency to buy a stamp.

Prices for these coupons were long out of date, having been set in 1907 by the International Postal Union. World War I drastically shifted exchange rates, enabling buyers to pay a small amount in Britain – or even less in Germany with its depreciated currency – and obtain a return stamp order that was good in the United States.

The markup on these tiny postal orders was large. An American penny could buy foreign stamp orders that could be converted into six cents in U.S. stamps, for a 500 percent profit. The problem was that it would take a truckload of such postal orders to make serious money. A million-dollar investment would involve a hundred million penny coupons – which then would have to be converted into stamps and sold in competition with the U.S. Post Office, presumably at a discount, mainly in immigrant neighborhoods.

Focusing on the principle of arbitrage rather than such laborious implementation, Ponzi explained that he could make a 400 percent gain after expenses. He promised that investors could double their money in 90 days, pretending to take due account of the costs and shipping time from Europe to America. When his Securities Exchange Company paid early investors the high returns he had described, they spread the word to others. Ponzi’s inflow of funds rose from $5,000 in February 1920 to $30,000 in March, and $420,000 by May. By July an estimated $250,000 a day was flowing into his firm, mainly from small investors who let their book credits build up rather than taking out their money. Some people put their life savings into the plan, and even borrowed against their homes.

Ponzi spent most of the money on himself, buying a mansion and bringing his mother over from Italy. The financial reporter Clarence Barron (publisher of Barron’s) noted that if he really had invested the money as he told his investors he had done, Ponzi would have had to purchase 160 million postal reply coupons. Yet the post office reported that few were being bought at home or abroad, and only 27,000 were circulating in the United States.

Federal agents raided Ponzi’s offices in August, but did not find any postal reply coupons, just as Spanish police did not find investment-grade postage stamps in the scheme’s 2006 replay. Ponzi was sentenced to prison yet again, but jumped bail and tried to make some quick money selling Florida real estate. He soon was recaptured, and was deported back to Italy upon his release in 1934.

What Ponzi sold was hope, pandering to peoples’ unrealistic desire to believe that a new way to make easy gains had been discovered, with no visible upper limit as to how long gains can persist in excess of the economy’s own rate of growth. It is a measure of how much harder it is to make returns in today’s world – and hence, how little hope needs to be excited – that whereas Ponzi promised to double his investors’ money every three months, the Spanish stamp scheme paid only a 6 to 10 percent annual return. Neither fraud actually made any trading gains or profits, but simply paid investors out of new money coming in from fresh players. New inflows were treated as earnings. That’s how pyramid schemes work.

It was almost as if the Spanish operators had read one of the biographies of Ponzi that began to appear as observers noticed the common denominators between the global financial bubble of the 1990s and earlier bubbles. These bubbles provide a classic contrast between the real wealth of nations and what the business press these days calls “wealth creation” that simply takes the form of rising asset prices – “capital gains,” most of which are land-price gains.

No doubt stamp collectors would have viewed the bidding up of stamp prices as wealth creation if it actually had occurred. But all it would have achieved was to inflate the price of old stamps, much as the world’s growing ranks of billionaires were bidding up prices for master paintings and modern art, designer furniture and beachfront homes. If all the economy’s savings went into Rembrandts and Picassos, their price obviously would soar, just as putting $6 billion into postage stamps would have established higher plateau levels for stamp prices.

The flow of funds into any category of assets bid up their prices. This is true most of all for land, one of the most universal economic needs and conspicuous-consumption status measures. But does this really “create wealth”? Do market prices reflect use values, living standards and the progress of civilization?

The requisite characteristic for such price gains is indeed scarcity, but not so much that there is not enough for large numbers of buyers to make a market. If psychological utility is the key, “scarcity” has value only as a compulsive acquisitive character – wealth addiction. It means having what other people lack, with connotations of denial. Most money in search of mere scarcity is not going into trophies of the nouveau riches, but into the world’s most abundant yet also most universal scarce resource: land. Nature is not making any more of it, and global warming in fact threatens to take away thousands of miles of prime seashore sites. Yet everyone needs land to live on, making it the object of personal and business saving par excellence. Even in today’s postindustrial economies, land and its subsoil wealth represent the largest components of national balance sheets.

But inasmuch as land cannot be manufactured, savings cannot increase its supply by active investment. This poses a traumatizing problem for economists. National income statistics count any money spent that is not consumed as saving. Following John Maynard Keynes, they define saving as equal to investment. This sows the seeds of confusion with regard to the character and preconditions of economic growth. Can we really call it “wealth creation” when society directs its savings merely into speculation rather than into building up productive powers or living standards?

Classical economists vacillated over treating land as a factor of production or as a legal property right to extract a tollbooth around a given site and levy an access charge much like a user-tax. A factor of production contributes to production and income as more income is invested in it. A rent-yielding property reduces the economy’s flow of income. In the latter case land is part of the institutional property system, not the technologically based production sector of the economy.

What is beyond dispute is that real estate is highly political at the local level. Urban development tends to be shaped by insider dealing and public infrastructure spending to increase local property prices and lobbying to obtain low tax appraisals. It is axiomatic that the more economically powerful a source of wealth becomes, the greater its political power to lobby for special tax advantages. At the national level, real estate uses part of its revenue to back politicians who give it a widening wedge of special income-tax favoritism.

In the financial sphere, every bubble has been led by governments. Bubbles need to be orchestrated by opinion makers, topped by public officials giving a patina of confidence. The “madness of crowds” is a euphemism designed to divert blame away from governments onto the public. In the United States, Alan Greenspan played the role of public bubblemeister similar to that which Walpole had played in England’s South Sea bubble and John Law in France’s Mississippi bubble nearly three centuries ago, in the 1710s.

Today’s balance sheets confuse bubble wealth with real capital formation. “Investment” has become whatever accountants say they are. So have asset and debt values, given today’s leeway for financial fiction. The practice of “marking to market” permits accountants to project hypothetical gains at astronomical rates of interest, or trivializing by discounting, applying purely mathematical functions that have lost all connection to realistic rates of growth. The result is that the financial sector itself has become decoupled from the “real” economy.

The tragedy of our time is that saving today is being diverted in ways that are decoupled from real capital formation, but merely add to the economy’s debt and property overhead. To distinguish wealth from overhead, this book starts with real estate, and then reviews the stock market, advance saving for pensions and health care via a flow of funds into the stock market to create capital gains. My aim is to show how different the actual economy is from what economic textbooks teach. Economic statistics have been hijacked to the cause of special-interest pleading. All but lost from sight is the common weal.

Suppose that Ponzi actually had bought International Postal Orders, and that the Spanish stamp companies actually had invested $6 billion in rare philatelic items and coins, driving up their price to create paper gains for the investors. To whom would they sell, in order to take their gains? (This is the proverbial “greater fool” problem.) More to the point, how positive would have been the broad economic effect of such asset-price inflation?

The recent stock market and real estate bubbles are much like pyramid schemes in the sense that what is bidding up stock and property prices is an exponential inflow of new money from pension plans and mutual funds (for shares) and bank credit (for real estate). Venture capitalists are “cashing out” while corporate managers exercise their stock options.

Suppose that mortgage-packaging companies are honest in their appraisals of current price trends. The real estate bubble is nonetheless speculative and postindustrial. The analogy is found when financial managers endorse government policies that encourage the inflation of price for stocks and bonds, stamps and coins, Rembrandts and modern art by claiming that this creates wealth and hence, by definition, pulls living standards and culture onward and upward.

What is wrong with this picture? For starters, it fails to define value as distinct from price, windfall and capital gains as distinct from earned income. It also neglects the fact that market prices rise and fall, but the debts remain in place. And when debts cannot be paid, savings are wiped out.

On May 9, 2006, the price of Escala shares fell by half as news of the police raids spread. By Friday its stock was down almost 90 percent. On Monday it jumped by 50 percent, from $4.34 at Thursday’s close to $9.45 a share. Hedge funds were making and losing money hand over fist, dwarfing the gains and losses made from stamp trading. A veritable market in crime, punishment and beating the rap was in play.

What does this have to do with true capital formation? Individuals are getting rich while the economy is polarizing between creditors and debtors, property owners and rent-payers. Unproductive investment occurs when it takes the form of windfall “capital” gains, and when it involves going into debt for real estate, stocks or bonds, or “collectibles.” Unproductive credit occurs when commercial banks make loans that merely finance the purchase of property, companies or financial securities already in place.

Two centuries ago, French followers of Count Henry St. Simon outlined an industrial system that was to be based mainly on equity financing (stocks) rather than debt (bonds and bank loans). Their idea was to make industrial banking a kind of mutual fund, so that claims for payment (and hence, the value of savings) would rise and fall to reflect the economy’s earning power. The industrial banking that developed largely in Germany and central Europe differed from the short-term Anglo-American collateral-based trade credit and mortgage lending. But since World War I, global financial practices have been more extractive than productive.

The consequence has been that debts on the economy-wide level have grown more rapidly than the ability to pay. Instead of reducing this debt overhead by earning their way out of debt, economies have sought to inflate their way out of debt. However, the mode of inflation is not the familiar rise in consumer prices, much less wage inflation. Rather, it is asset-price inflation, emanating largely from the United States. Since the gold-exchange standard gave way to the paper dollar standard in 1971, the U.S. economy has become unique in being able to create credit – and foreign debt – without constraint. The result has been an unparalleled growth in debt relative to income, production and wages. This “debt pollution” has been likened to environmental pollution. It is the financial equivalent of global warming.

We have entered an era in which financial markets resemble the stamp-buying funds. Governments have replaced industrial growth with purely financial wealth creation in the form of a real estate and stock market bubble. This has turned the economic universe upside-down relative to what the classical writers expected to result from the technological progress unleashed by the Industrial Revolution and its parallel agricultural, commercial and financial revolutions. Property and credit have become costs instead of a benefit, institutional forms of rent- and interest-extracting overhead rather than helpful inputs.

KEYNES OFFERS US THE BEST WAY TO THINK ABOUT THE FINANCIAL CRISIS
Martin Wolf
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/be2dbf2c-d113-...07658.html


We are all Keynesians now. When Barack Obama takes office he will propose a gigantic fiscal stimulus package. Such packages are being offered by many other governments. Even Germany is being dragged, kicking and screaming, into this race.

The ghost of John Maynard Keynes, the father of macroeconomics, has returned to haunt us. With it has come that of his most interesting disciple, Hyman Minsky. We all now know of the “Minsky moment” – the point at which a financial mania turns into panic.

Like all prophets, Keynes offered ambiguous lessons to his followers. Few still believe in the fiscal fine-tuning that his disciples propounded in the decades after the second world war. But nobody believes in the monetary targeting proposed by his celebrated intellectual adversary, Milton Friedman, either. Now, 62 years after Keynes’ death, in another era of financial crisis and threatened economic slump, it is easier for us to understand what remains relevant in his teaching.

I see three broad lessons.

The first, which was taken forward by Minsky, is that we should not take the pretensions of financiers seriously. “A sound banker, alas, is not one who foresees danger and avoids it, but one who, when he is ruined, is ruined in a conventional way along with his fellows, so that no one can really blame him.” Not for him, then, was the notion of “efficient markets”.

The second lesson is that the economy cannot be analysed in the same way as an individual business. For an individual company, it makes sense to cut costs. If the world tries to do so, it will merely shrink demand. An individual may not spend all his income. But the world must do so.

The third and most important lesson is that one should not treat the economy as a morality tale. In the 1930s, two opposing ideological visions were on offer: the Austrian; and the socialist. The Austrians – Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek – argued that a purging of the excesses of the 1920s was required. Socialists argued that socialism needed to replace failed capitalism, outright. These views were grounded in alternative secular religions: the former in the view that individual self-seeking behaviour guaranteed a stable economic order; the latter in the idea that the identical motivation could lead only to exploitation, instability and crisis.

Keynes’s genius – a very English one – was to insist we should approach an economic system not as a morality play but as a technical challenge. He wished to preserve as much liberty as possible, while recognising that the minimum state was unacceptable to a democratic society with an urbanised economy. He wished to preserve a market economy, without believing that laisser faire makes everything for the best in the best of all possible worlds.

This same moralistic debate is with us, once again. Contemporary “liquidationists” insist that a collapse would lead to rebirth of a purified economy. Their leftwing opponents argue that the era of markets is over. And even I wish to see the punishment of financial alchemists who claimed that ever more debt turns economic lead into gold.

Yet Keynes would have insisted that such approaches are foolish. Markets are neither infallible nor dispensable. They are indeed the underpinnings of a productive economy and individual freedom. But they can also go seriously awry and so must be managed with care. The election of Mr Obama surely reflects a desire for just such pragmatism. Neither Ron Paul, the libertarian, nor Ralph Nader, on the left, got anywhere. So the task for this new administration is to lead the US and the world towards a pragmatic resolution of the global economic crisis we all now confront.

The urgent task is to return the world economy to health.

The shorter-term challenge is to sustain aggregate demand, as Keynes would have recommended. Also important will be direct central-bank finance of borrowers. It is evident that much of the load will fall on the US, largely because the Europeans, Japanese and even the Chinese are too inert, too complacent, or too weak. Given the correction of household spending under way in the deficit countries, this period of high government spending is, alas, likely to last for years. At the same time, a big effort must be made to purge the balance sheets of households and the financial system. A debt-for-equity swap is surely going to be necessary.

The longer-term challenge is to force a rebalancing of global demand. Deficit countries cannot be expected to spend their way into bankruptcy, while surplus countries condemn as profligacy the spending from which their exporters benefit so much. In the necessary attempt to reconstruct the global economic order, on which the new administration must focus, this will be a central issue. It is one Keynes himself had in mind when he put forward his ideas for the postwar monetary system at the Bretton Woods conference in 1944.

No less pragmatic must be the attempt to construct a new system of global financial regulation and an approach to monetary policy that curbs credit booms and asset bubbles. As Minsky made clear, no permanent answer exists. But recognition of the systemic frailty of a complex financial system would be a good start.

As was the case in the 1930s, we also have a choice: it is to deal with these challenges co-operatively and pragmatically or let ideological blinkers and selfishness obstruct us. The objective is also clear: to preserve an open and at least reasonably stable world economy that offers opportunity to as much of humanity as possible. We have done a disturbingly poor job of this in recent years. We must do better. We can do so, provided we approach the task in a spirit of humility and pragmatism, shorn of ideological blinkers

As Oscar Wilde might have said, in economics, the truth is rarely pure and never simple. That is, for me, the biggest lesson of this crisis. It is also the one Keynes himself still teaches.

GREED HAS PUSHED POLITICAL CREDIBILITY AND FINANCIAL TRUST INTO FREEFALL
Gary Younge
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/...ary-younge


Recent scandals in America reveal a value system that puts the wealth of a few before the welfare of many

'What an ideology is, is a conceptual framework with the way people deal with reality," Alan Greenspan told the Congressional House oversight and government reform committee on 23 October. "Everyone has one. You have to - to exist, you need an ideology. The question is whether it is accurate or not." As the former chairman of the Federal Reserve, from 1987 to 2006, Greenspan stood at the helm of US monetary policy during the time conditions for the current meltdown were being created.

"And what I'm saying to you," he continued, "is, yes, I found a flaw. I don't know how significant or permanent it is, but I've been very distressed by that fact ... [I found a] flaw in the model that I perceived is the critical functioning structure that defines how the world works."

Greenspan's ideology was unfettered, free-market capitalism. Its understanding of how the world works was rooted in self-interest. It was a value system that placed the private before the public, the individual before the collective, and the wealth of the few before the welfare of the many.

So pervasive was this worldview that, after a while, it was not even understood to be a view at all. It was just the hard-nosed reality against which only lunatics and leftists raged. "Unlike many economists," Bob Woodward wrote of Alan Greenspan in his book Maestro (the title speaks volumes), "he has never been rule driven or theory driven. The data drive." They drove a sleek black limousine over the edge of a steep cliff. And since the invisible hand of the market ostensibly guided everything, there was no one who could really be held accountable or responsible for anything. The buck didn't stop anywhere. Indeed, for those who were already wealthy, the bucks just kept rolling in.

But the flaw in Greenspan's ideology did not just govern finance - it infected all spheres of human relations, including politics. "This process has become a great deal about money. A lot of money," said Tom Vilsack (whom Barack Obama has just picked as his agriculture secretary), as he withdrew from the Democratic primaries almost a full year before a vote had been cast. "So it is money, and only money, that is the reason why we are leaving today."

A poll released by Judicial Watch the day before Greenspan testified revealed that almost two-thirds of Americans "strongly agree" with the statement that political corruption played a big role in the US's recent financial crisis. A further 19% said they "somewhat agree".

The two most prominent scandals in recent weeks illustrate how the line between what is unethical and what is illegal in politics, and what is reckless and what is fraudulent in finance, has been so blurred as to have erased much in the way of meaningful distinction. Credibility in public life, like Greenspan's ideology and the stock prices it relied on, is in freefall.

The first scandal is the demise of Bernard Madoff, who was arrested after he confessed to defrauding investors of about $50bn in an elaborate, global Ponzi scheme. Madoff's alleged transgression went beyond just the financial. A pillar of the Jewish and financial communities, he traded on trust.

"In an era of faceless organisations owned by other equally faceless organisations," said his firm's website. "Bernard L Madoff Investment Securities LLC harks back to an earlier era in the financial world: the owner's name is on the door." Investors had to be recommended by friends - the exclusivity made it attractive - and the returns were constantly excellent. Madoff paid out about 15% a year, regardless of what the market was doing. In Palm Beach, Florida, people joined the Country Club and the golf club just so they could meet him. They virtually begged him to take their money. The roll call of the swindled is illustrious: Steven Spielberg, Jeffrey Katzenberg, author and humanitarian Elie Wiesel, New Jersey Senator Frank Lautenberg, and the New York Daily News' publisher, Mortimer Zuckerman. It was as though America's rich and famous had succumbed to a huge online scam.

The level of returns seemed too good to be true, and it was. But the sense of entitlement the wealthy have to even more wealth is just too entrenched to bother with truth. In a heartbeat, generations of savings and entire charities have been extinguished.

The second scandal concerns the foul-mouthed Democratic governor of Illinois, Rod Blagojevich, who has the right to appoint a successor to the Senate seat left vacant by Obama. He was arrested after federal wiretaps allegedly revealed he was poised to sell the seat to the highest bidder. The day after the election, as at least half of the nation basked in the warm glow of Obama's victory, Blagojevich, it seems, was trying to line his pockets. He told one aide: "I've got this thing and it's ****ing golden, and, uh, uh, I'm just not giving it up for ****ing nothing. I'm not gonna do it."

Suggestions that both men must have been seized by psychological disorders do not seem outlandish. Particularly Blagojevich, who has been under at least a dozen federal investigations since 2005 and knew he was being wiretapped. But far more worrying is the greater likelihood that they are entirely sane and rational. Blagojevich may be crude and sociopathic, and Madoff socially manipulative. Their actions may have violated the letter of the law. But they were consistent with the spirit of the ideology that has governed American life for at least a generation.

Blagojevich did not invent the notion that wealth and political influence go hand in hand. Had he been more patient, the lobbying deals and board memberships that routinely come after political office would have come his way. And anyone seeking a seat would have to show they could pay their way. Indeed, the New York governor, David Patterson, seems set to hand over Hillary Clinton's Senate seat to Caroline Kennedy at least in part because Kennedy can raise vast sums of money for a run in 2010. Unlike Blagojevich, Patterson is not looking to benefit from it personally. But no one is expecting him to end up in the poorhouse when his term is done.

As for Madoff, if the Securities and Exchange Commission, the financial services watchdog, had been doing its job, it could have prevented him from committing this crime. But if he had done it by the book, an analogous situation could have occurred that would have left his investors almost as broke. His fraud was exposed after some investors sought to withdraw more capital than he could produce. That is essentially the same as the bank runs we have seen over the last few months. But while Madoff is under house arrest, the bankers are about to reap huge bonuses.

When a political system where you have to pay to play meets a financial system run like a giant Ponzi scheme, widespread criminality, corruption and calamity are the only feasible outcomes. The only remaining questions then are what society is prepared to excuse, accountants are able to write off or lawyers are able to defend. "It is easier to rob by setting up a bank," argued the German playwright Bertolt Brecht, "than by holding up a bank clerk."

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