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HOW GLOBAL ANTI-MUSLIM BIGOTRY BECAME ACCEPTABLE
#58
WHAT THE HELL IS GOING ON IN MODI'S HINDUTVA NAZI INDIA? AND WHERE HAVE THE INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS BRIGADE DISAPPEARED?  THESE HYPOCRITICAL ORGANISATIONS SEEM TO CARE MORE ABOUT ANIMALS THAN MUSLIMS. WHEN IT COMES TO MUSLIMS BEING VICTIMS OF TERRORISM THE WORLD IS SILENT.  IT IS TIME THE MUSLIM WORLD AT LARGE PAYS URGENT ATTENTION ON HOW DO WE STOP STATE SPONSPORED HINDUTVA TERRORISM RUNNING RAMPAGE AGAINST INDIAN MUSLIMS. THE DELHI POGRAM WAS SPARKED BY RELIGIOUS HATRED AND INCITEMENT BY BJP LEADER KAPIL MISHRA IN DELHI. THE CLEAR OBJECTIVE WAS TO END THE PROTESTS AND SIT-IN TAKING PLACE IN DELHI BY MUSLIMS AGAINST THE RELIGIOUSLY DISCRIMINATORY CITIZENSHIP AMENDMENT ACT. 

THEREAFTER MUSLIM AREAS IN THE INDIAN CAPITAL WERE SET ON FIRE BY RSS THUGS WHO WERE SET LOOSE WITH THE INDIAN ARMY AND DELHI POLICE LOOKING ON. THE DELHI POLICE ARE UNDER CONTROL BY THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT SO IT HAS BLOOD ON IT'S HANDS. AS MUSLIM AREAS WERE SET ABLAZE AND HOMES, BUSINESSES AND MOSQUES WERE SET ON FIRE LEAVING DOZENS MASSACRED AND HUNDREDS INJURED AND IN HOSPITALS. 

IT IS DESPICABLE THAT THIS HAPPENED EXACTLY WHILST TRUMP WAS IN TOWN AND SHOWING HIS TRUE ISLAMOPHOBIC COLOURS BY BACKING MODI'S EFFORTS IN UPHOLDING RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN INDIA. THIS IS LIKE MUSSOLINI SAYING WHAT A WONDERFUL CHAP HITLER IS WHEN JEWS WERE BEING TARGETTED IN NAZI GERMANY IN THE 1930s. 

LET US BE CLEAR THAT THERE ARE OVER 200 MILLION MUSLIMS IN INDIA AND THEY ARE AT A CROSSROADS. THEY NEED TO REALISE THEY ARE ON THE FRONTLINE AND NEED TO RADICALLY RE-ORGANISE THEMSELVES AND THEIR LEADERSHIP IF THEY ARE GOING TO DEAL WITH HINDUTVA INDIA. THEIR SITUATION IS LIKE THAT OF 1947 WHEN INDIAN MUSLIMS IN BRITISH INDIA DECIDED TO CREATE A HOMELAND FOR THEMSELVES AND CREATED PAKISTAN. 


THE HINDUTVA CONTROLLED INDIAN STATE IS ENGAGED IN AN ANTI-ISLAMIC AGENDA AND IS INSTITUTIONALISING ISLAMOPHOBIA IN ITS LAWS AND IT IS NO LONGER GUARANTEEING EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW NOR PROTECTING LIFE AND PROPERTY. THE INDIAN STATE IS DIGGING IT'S OWN GRAVE. INDIAN MUSLIMS IF THEY WANT TO SAFEGUARD THEIR FUTURE NEED TO PREPARE AND GEAR THEMSELVES TO SECEDE FROM A HINDUTVA INDIA BY FORMING NEW STATES. WHEN THERE IS OPPRESSION IN THE LAND THERE IS ONLY ONE ANSWER WHICH IS HIJRAH AND JIHAD. MORE ON THIS WILL FOLLOW SOON.     


CAN RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA BE CONTAINED? 
Inside Story



WHAT IS MY DIGNITY WHEN I SEE SAFFRON FLAGS BEING ERECTED ON MY MASJIDS? 
Asaduddin Owaisi



ASADUDDIN OWAISI ON DELHI RIOTS: THIS WAS A PREPLANNED POGROM



OWAISI: DELHI RIOTS WERE PRE-PLANNED GENOCIDE

WHY IS PM MODI SILENT? 




MAYBE IT IS TIME FOR A REPEAT OF 14TH AUGUST 47 ?




ON THE INDIAN CRISIS  
Shaykh Dr. Yasir Qadhi



HOW INDIAN MUSLIMS SHOULD RESPOND TO THEIR PRESENT GRAVE DANGER 




WHAT'S HAPPENING TO MUSLIMS IN INDIA 2020





GENOCIDE IN INDIA AND CRISIS IN SAUDI ARABIA  



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FIGHT INJUSTICE WITH WISDOM AND UNITY 
Maulana Waliullah Sayeedi Falahi




AMIT SHAH ON DELHI VIOLENCE : A REALITY CHECK 






INDIA’s RACIST LAWS 0-02-01
https://crescent.icit-digital.org/articl...acist-laws

The Indian economy is tanking under Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rule. The promise of creating 12 million new jobs annually for people entering the market is fast receding. The Modi regime has thus resorted to a dangerous policy of religious and ethnic discrimination to divert attention from its failed policies. But it is not merely a diversionary tactic. It targets India’s 200 million Muslim citizens. Modi has a pathological hatred of Muslims, having honed his anti-Muslim skills while he was chief minister of Gujrat state before he became prime minister in 2014. 


Two instruments are being used: The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC). India’s Home Minister Amit Shah introduced the bills in parliament at the end of December 2019. He said the BJP government will pass the Citizenship Amendment Act. The bill seeks to grant citizenship to Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Christians, Zoroastrians, and Buddhists — who have come illegally to India from Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan — but excludes Muslims. This is a drastic change in the Citizenship Act of 1955 that does not define citizenship on the basis of religion.


The NRC, originally confined to Assam in the northeast, is now being applied to the whole of India. In Assam, the state that borders Bangladesh, there was widespread belief that illegal immigrants had come from Bangladesh. They should be identified and deported. The NRC idea emerged in the wake of the Assam Accord of 1985 that ended a separatist insurgency that had raged during the 1970s and 1980s. On August 31, 2019, Assam’s NRC was published declaring 1.9 million people stateless, a far cry from the tens of millions alleged illegals bandied about earlier. These people have no documents to prove their Indian citizenship. Internment camps have been set up; others are being built.


In a country of 1.2 billion people, most of them rural dwellers, the notion of birth certificate or identity card is alien. Coupled with the ubiquitous caste system that divides people along caste lines — a form of religious apartheid — the vast majority of people are already disenfranchised. Launching a campaign against Muslims is another nail in the coffin of India’s self-proclaimed secularism and the constitution.



There is, however, pushback, especially from students who have braved attacks from RSS thugs as well as the police. The students have transcended religious and caste boundaries and have stood shoulder to shoulder to defend fundamental rights. Their activism has attracted other civil society groups including members of the Bollywood fraternity that had previously cozied up to Modi.



Student activism to defend their fundamental rights has exacted a price. At least 20 students have been killed and hundreds injured in attacks by BJP-affiliated masked thugs armed with sticks, iron rods, and acid bottles. Protests started at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) on December 13 and then spread to Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI). The police barged into the university campus on December 15 and attacked students as well as vandalized the library. When news of the attack on JMI spread, students at Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and Ambedkar University also joined the protests. These have now assumed a life of their own. They are ongoing and despite attacks by the police injuring and arresting hundreds of students, they are held on a daily basis.


JMI has become the hub of student activism. Interestingly, this is spearheaded by female Muslim students. While the Modi regime has vowed to press on with implementing the divisive CAA and NRC bills, a number of states in India have said they would not participate in the registration process. This is a hopeful sign and may yet dissuade the fascists from pressing ahead full force with their nefarious agenda. Unfortunately, given corruption in the judiciary (as witnessed in the Babri Masjid verdict), the police, and the bureaucracy, it would be unrealistic to repose too much hope in the movement for sanity. What is more likely is that internal and external pressure may force a delay in the implementation of these divisive laws.


If the movement can be sustained until the next election due in 2024, the BJP can be consigned to the dustbin of history. It is a long struggle and will not be easy but with continuing strikes, the economy will suffer greater blows turning more people against the Modi regime and his fascist storm troopers.



ANTI-MUSLIM VIOLENCE IN INDIA REACHES ALARMING PROPORTIONS 
https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/anti-mu...ions-34129

The ongoing brutality in New Delhi dubbed 'communal violence' is the live unfolding of a pogrom against Muslims.
The international media fixated on the pomp and ceremony, or rather glitz and glam of what was a two-day extravaganza of right-wing populist and ultranationalist odes and slogans. US President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi went about their business pretending as though the country’s second-largest city wasn’t literally and actually on fire.
On Monday, pro-government Hindutva thugs responded to the city’s ongoing and growing protests against recently legislated anti-Muslim citizenship laws, otherwise known as the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Register of Citizens (NRC), by attacking protesters and setting Muslim owned homes, cars and businesses alight. 

Eerily, the same Hindu nationalist goons had marked Hindu-owned properties with saffron-coloured flags to help attackers identify Muslim targets, borrowing a sinister measure used on the eve of the 2002 Gujarat riots, which left more than 2,000 Muslims killed and thousands more battered, raped, and abused. Starting in the Muslim-majority areas of northeast Delhi, the violence spilt into Monday evening, culminating with the deaths of at least two anti-CAA protesters, and the injuries of dozens more.
 
Footage shows Delhi Police officers firing tear gas shells into a crowd, followed by baton large charges. By Wednesday morning, the death toll had risen to at least 20. Among the dead are a 22-year-old rickshaw driver, a labourer, and a father of six. A video that went viral on social media shows a dozen or so Muslim males being kicked and beaten before being forced by police to recite Vande Mataram — India's national song and a nationalist ode of sorts — as they lay defenceless on the ground. Another shows an isolated Muslim man being mercilessly punched and kicked by a mob of dozens of pro-government street thugs, as cars and shops around him are vandalised, while another shows a Muslim shrine being torched with a petrol bomb. 
 
Hindus have woken up after long [passivity],” one man, who identified as a pro-CAA protester, told a local journalist as he carried out an arson attack. On Tuesday afternoon, a mob chanting Jai Shri Ram (victory to Lord Rama) and Hinduon ka Hindustan (India for Hindus) surrounded a mosque in Ashok Nagar, before setting it alight, while a man placed a Hanuman flag atop its minaret. That footage also shows Delhi Police officers participating in the violence, joining pro-CAA protesters in throwing rocks at Muslims, underscores the dangerous new reality the country’s largest religious minority now face.  “The police is with us,” a Hindu man says in a video posted on Twitter, as his colleagues throw rocks toward mostly Muslim anti-CAA protesters.

Chillingly, these moments of violent mayhem and madness, which evidently enjoy the tacit and implicit approval of the Modi government, are perpetrated to an ode to a Hindu deity, but one now heard as a death chant to victims of this violence. Today, Jai Sri Ram is typically the last three words a Muslim hears the moment before he or she is attacked or murdered.

All across India, Modi radicalised saffron terrorists are assaulting, raping, and lynching Muslims with impunity, as government leaders openly refer to the religious minority as "termites" and "pests,” while they declare an urge for another 1947-scale Muslim exodus.  Earlier this month, hundreds of right-wing nationalists converged on New Delhi’s Jamia Millia Islamia University (JMI), chanting anti-Muslim slogans and shouting, “shoot the bastards” as police stood by as idle onlookers. Recently, the international watchdog group Genocide Watch recently issued genocide alerts for Muslims in both Kashmir and Assam.  “Preparation for genocide is definitely underway in India…The next stage is extermination – that’s what we call a genocide,” said Professor Gregory Stanton, the author of the 10 Stages of Genocide in a speech to US lawmakers in December.

Certainly, both territories are ground zero in the government’s effort to marginalise and make invisible the country’s persecuted religious minority, with eight million Muslims in Kashmir living under a military lockdown and communications blackout that has now surpassed 200 days. Three million Muslims in Assam face the prospect of deportation or detainment as a result of measures implemented as a result of the NRC. “My mother gave birth to me at home. My birth was never registered, so how do I produce a certificate?” a Muslim resident of Assam told Foreign Policy. “Nor do I have land ownership or tenancy records dating back five decades. Although we’re law-abiding citizens, having lived peacefully in India all our lives, we might be thrown out of the country.” 


 The events of the past 48 hours have demonstrated that the safety and well-being of India’s 200 million Muslims have never been in greater peril since the Gujarat pogroms and the violence of partition.  Should they become the target of overt state-sanctioned violence, recognising they always been the target of covert violence in the country, then the international community would be presented with a catastrophe of unprecedented proportions, resulting in the world’s largest pogrom and humanitarian crisis.  At the helm is Narendra Modi, a man accused of direct involvement in the country’s most recent anti-Muslim pogrom during his capacity as Gujarat’s chief minister.  If these realities aren’t enough to give rise to global alarm, then what is?



INDIA BURNING
 
https://www.dawn.com/news/1537334/india-burning

This week witnessed Hindutva mobs killing and torturing Muslims, burning homes, mosques and ransacking entire Muslim neighbourhoods while the Delhi police stood by or aided and abetted them. With blood in their eyes — and on their hands — Hindutva marauders owned the streets of the Indian capital as the body count piled up by the hour. Loathing lurked in open sight.

Some people say Prime Minister Narendra Modi has weaponised India’s majority by stoking the latent fires of communalism for political gains; others say he has merely given voice to brute majoritarianism that has always been an organic part of India; while still others argue that the pogrom in Delhi represents a freak streak of Hindu anger boiling over into violence. The reality may be a combination of all three, but one thing most India-watchers agree on:

India is sick. Very sick. For sickness to be cured, it first needs to be acknowledged. Communalism manifesting itself in Muslim (and other minorities) bloodletting is almost an Indian tradition. Except for a few years since Partition, communal riots have broken out on a regular basis across diverse geographical parts of India. Invariably, Muslims have been the victims. All through these decades, India has pretended that its officially sanctioned secularism has spawned an ‘Indian-ness’ that has enveloped in itself Hindu and Muslim identities. This delusion has ingrained in most Indians an air of misplaced arrogance dripping with condescension for Pakistan and its post-independence struggles. 


In the early 1990s Manmohan Singh, as India’s finance minister, unfurled sweeping economic liberalisation reforms that unshackled India from the constraints of a regimented public-sector driven system. As the years rolled by, India’s economic strength kept on growing under successive governments. This economic muscle spawned confidence, which spawned insolence, which spawned hubris. The slogan of ‘India Shining’ showcased this newfound imperiousness as more and more Indians began to digest the narrative that they were the next big global thing.

And yet something bubbled under this thin glitzy surface of India’s newfound self-image. The toxic currents of communal hate, other-isation and socio-religious divisiveness raged with an intensity that could, perhaps, be felt more than seen. These currents gurgled across into the new millennium unbeknownst to a world besotted by the exotic charms of a billion-strong nation flinging open its markets for all those with strong capitalist urges. India, it seemed, could do no wrong. Pakistan could do no right.

Today, the picture that Modi’s India paints is a frightening one. It is a society where Hindutva maniacs will lynch Muslims, tear them from limb to limb and the government will do nothing; where Hindutva maniacs will threaten genocide and ‘ethnic cleansing’ against Muslims and the government will do nothing; where Hindutva maniacs will savage Muslims on the streets, torch entire neighbourhoods and the government will do nothing. India will get worse. Modi’s majoritarian project is rolling across the country with a ferociousness that gains intensity with every anti-Muslim pogrom. Through a combination of state power and street power, Hindutva is on the march and Muslims face an uncertain and bloody fate.

An unstable, unhinged and unbalanced India is a danger for the region and for the world. Like most uber-nationalist and fanatical regimes, Modi’s India excretes aggression and militarism. Bloodlust fuels its fervour. The sickness grows stronger by the day. A diagnosis requires some answers.

What do you call a country that officially sanctions the persecution and killing of its minorities? What do you call a country that dehumanises an entire Muslim population? What do you call a country that converts an area into an open prison and sanctions torture on men, women and children? What do you call a country that converts its media into a groveling lapdog and a tool of state propaganda against minorities? What do you call a country that aims to disenfranchise an entire minority and threatens to lock them in camps? What do you call a country that forces the judges to do its bidding and punishes them for refusal? What do you call a country in which the judges agree to fall in line with the executive? What do you call a country whose normal rhetoric is laced with threats of war?

Today you call it India. It is a remarkable reversal. As India slips into the abyss of fascistic mayhem, Pakistan must rise as a country determined to become more progressive, tolerant and democratic. As India satisfies its bloodlust against minorities through greater repression and persecution, Pakistan must hug its minorities tighter and provide them with all the rights, protections and privileges that a state can offer. As India gnarls and snarls and waves its weaponised fist, Pakistan must be willing to unclench its fist into a handshake. And as India’s democratic structure begins to crack under the weight of its Hindutva ideology — with a controlled media, pliant judiciary and collapsing rule of law — Pakistan must strengthen the credibility of its media, reinforce the independence of its judiciary and make a concerted effort to enhance and improve its rule of law. That time is upon us. While India is busy chopping off its own limbs, we may want to grow our own wings.



INDIA's MUSLIMS ARE PUNISHED FOR ASKING TO BE INDIAN 
The Delhi violence opens a new dark chapter in India's modern history.
[url=https://www.aljazeera.com/profile/vidya-subrahmaniam.html]Vidya Subrahmaniam
https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinio...42176.html

On February 24, Hindu nationalist mobs descended on the northeastern parts of India's capital, New Delhi, and wreaked havoc for four days, targeting Muslim businesses and homes. More than 50 people were killed and hundreds were injured in the violence.

In the aftermath of the attacks, I visited one of the worst-affected neighbourhoods, Shiv Vihar, and witnessed the destruction. While Hindu shops and residences looked largely intact, most Muslim houses and businesses were gutted down to their bare bones. The burnt remains of the possessions of Muslim families - fridges, TV sets and cars - were scattered across the neighbourhood's narrow lanes.

While one local mosque was charred to the ground, another named Auliya looked largely unaffected from the outside. But inside, I found that it, too, was a charred, mangled mess. Hindu residents seemed to be carrying on with their lives as normal, but Muslims were nowhere to be seen - they had all left, seeking safety in relief camps set up by the government. The unrest that left Shiv Vihar in ruins was triggered after the weeks-long sit-ins in Delhi against the new Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which opponents say discriminates against Muslims, who were attacked by Hindu nationalists.

Anti-CAA protests in Delhi had been peaceful from the beginning. People got together to sing patriotic songs, wave Indian flags, recite from the Indian constitution and listen to speeches on freedom, solidarity and secularism. The protesters - many of them women - demonstrated nothing but loyalty to their country, but this did not stop the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from portraying them as "traitors" and making them prime targets for vigilante attacks. 

In the run-up to the February 7 Delhi assembly elections, for example, the BJP ran a vicious campaign targeting the city's Muslims. Anurag Thakur, the junior finance minister, incited the crowd at an election rally to shout "shoot the traitors". Another minister, Parvesh Verma, swore the protesters would be "sent packing" within hours of a BJP victory, adding that if left unchecked, they would "rape and kill". Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Minister of Home Affairs Amit Shah, meanwhile implied
the protesters were anti-India and pro-Pakistan. Modi termed the ongoing protests a "conspiracy"
 designed to undermine "India's harmony". Shah claimed protesters had raised slogans like "Jinnah wali azaadi (We want Jinnah-style independence)", suggesting they demand the disintegration of India. 

When the inevitable happened and the protesters were attacked, the violence quickly spread across Delhi. The authorities did little to ease the tensions, while the police faced accusations of looking the other way. Many observers compared the attacks in Delhi to previous episodes of communal violence. Indeed, India's post-independence history is bristling with such incidents.This most recent episode was neither the biggest nor the most violent in India's recent history. 



Yet, for careful India watchers, what happened last month was in a different category.  To understand what makes these attacks unique and therefore more frightening, let us recall two other episodes of intercommunal violence in India's recent history: the 1984 massacres of Sikhs in Delhi and the 2002 pogroms targeting Muslims in the state of Gujarat. 



The roots of the anti-Sikh violence of 1984 can be traced back to a separatist armed uprising that formed in the state of Punjab in the mid-1970s. As the movement grew in power, fighters started staging violent attacks in Delhi and other northern cities. In 1983, the leader of the movement, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, and some of his most prominent followers took refuge in the Golden Temple, the holiest of Sikh shrines located in Amritsar in Punjab, to escape arrest.  In June 1984, then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi ordered the Indian military to flush out the Sikh fighters from the temple. More than 500 people were killed during the operation, including many Sikh civilians. Then on October 31, 1984, two Sikh guards assassinated Gandhi at her residence in New Delhi in retaliation. Her assassination set off a fury: at the end of three days of non-stop butchery, 2,800 Sikhs were dead.



The 2002 Gujarat pogroms followed a similar scenario. On February 27, 2002, a blaze in a train carrying Hindu pilgrims killed 59 people in Godhra, Gujarat. The passengers were Hindu pilgrims, returning from Ayodhya after a religious ceremony at the site of the Babri Mosque. The mosque was demolished 10 years earlier by Hindu mobs claiming it was built on the ruins of a temple dedicated to Ram, a major deity of Hinduism. One official enquiry concluded that the fire in the train was accidental, caused by someone cooking or smoking inside a coach, but this report was later dismissed by the Supreme Court as "invalid". The Indian authorities eventually concluded that the train was set ablaze by Muslims. The incident caused an explosion of rage in the Hindu community and led to the killing of more than 1,000 people, most of them Muslims. 



The 1984 massacres of Sikhs and the 2002 pogroms against Muslims in Gujarat had a lot in common. In both cases, the police were accused of abandoning their supervisory duties, by either remaining passive or, in some cases, aiding and abetting the killings. Both instances were also marked by acts of extreme violence previously unseen in communal clashes in India. In 1984, Sikh men and boys were fitted with burning tyres around their necks so that their deaths would be slow and painful. Sikh women, on the other hand, were repeatedly raped and forced to watch their husbands and sons die. In 2002 in Gujarat, many men and boys were dismembered and burned. Ehsan Jafri, a former member of Parliament, for example, was hacked to pieces and burned despite repeatedly seeking help from people he knew in the state government. Another important similarity between these two horrific episodes of violence was accusations of government complicity. 



In 1984, local Congress leaders in Delhi were accused of aiding and abetting rioters, while the central government faced accusations of turning a blind eye to the violence. In 2014, a fact-finding team jointly organised by two prominent civil society organisations, the People's Union for Democratic Rights and the People's Union for Civil Liberties, found that the attacks on members of the Sikh Community in Delhi and its suburbs "were the outcome of a well-organised plan marked by acts of both deliberate commission and omission by important politicians of the Congress". Four years later, Sajjan Kumar, who was a prominent MP at the time of the riots, was sentenced to life in prison for "inciting crowds to kill Sikhs".


In Gujarat, similar accusations were directed at the state's BJP government. Modi, the then Chief Minister of Gujarat, was accused of failing to halt the violence and indirectly encouraging some of the Hindu rioters. During its deliberations on the Gujarat riots, India's Supreme Court even likened Modi's government to that of Nero, the Roman emperor who fiddled while Rome burned. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court, but rights groups continue to accuse him of tacitly supporting the rioters.




Last month's anti-Muslim attacks in Delhi had all of these characteristics. There is, however, one aspect that sets the events of last month apart from the historic cases of communal violence. Both the Sikh massacres and the Gujarat pogroms started in response to alleged atrocities committed by the members of the targeted communities. Last month's anti-Muslim violence in Delhi, however, was not "revenge" for anything. It was not preceded by a major infraction against the Hindu majority. The Muslim community did nothing that could even remotely warrant retaliation. The only thing they had done in the weeks prior to the attacks was to peacefully protest against the country's new, discriminatory citizenship law. Thus, unlike in 1984 and 2002, there was no ostensible cause for the violence.  This time, Muslims were punished, only for being Muslim and asking to be Indian.

And because of this, last month's attacks mark the beginning of a new, frightening chapter in Indian history. The Hindu mobs, empowered by the Hindu-nationalist central government, no longer appear to need a reason to attack minorities. This signals that for minority communities in India, the future is now darker and more frightening than it has ever been before. 
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HOW GLOBAL ANTI-MUSLIM BIGOTRY BECAME ACCEPTABLE - by Admin - 03-07-2010, 11:10 PM
RE: HOW GLOBAL ANTI-MUSLIM BIGOTRY BECAME ACCEPTABLE - by globalvision2000administrator - 02-26-2020, 11:10 PM

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